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Title: The military memoirs of an infantry officer, 1809-1816
Author: James F. J. Archibald
Release date: July 25, 2024 [eBook #74122]
Language: English
Original publication: Edinburgh: Printed for the Author, 1833
Credits: Brian Coe, Graeme Mackreth and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MILITARY MEMOIRS OF AN INFANTRY OFFICER, 1809-1816 ***
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.
THE
MILITARY MEMOIRS
OF AN
INFANTRY OFFICER.
1809-1816.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,
BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.
MDCCCXXXIII.
Address.
The Work now submitted to the Public, contains an account of theAuthor's Campaigns during the most memorable period of the late Frenchwars. It pretends to no eminence as a literary composition; but theAuthor trusts, that it will not be found wanting in accuracy of detail,as to facts falling under his own notice. He trusts that no one whoopens it in hope of being amused, will shut it disappointed; and hesincerely hopes that the junior members of his own profession will findin it something which may prove useful to them when they are calledupon to suffer hardships—to encounter dangers—and to perform dutiessimilar to those recorded in the following pages.
Perth, 20th March, 1833.
[Pg 13]
MILITARY MEMOIRS
OF AN
INFANTRY OFFICER.
CHAPTER I.
In the beginning of the summer of 1809, the whole Europeancommonwealth—Austria, Spain, Portugal, and Sicily excepted, werearrayed in arms against the British Isles; and ere the autumnal sun hadcheered the heart of the Austrian husbandman, that powerful empire,after a series of sanguinary conflicts, was compelled to sue for peace,and join the ranks of the enemy. The latter unfortunate event reducedthe number of our allies from forty to sixteen millions;and consequently gave to our haughty antagonist a numerical superiorityof one hundred and fourteen millions—France and her allies forming abody of one hundred and fifty millions, while Britain, and her littleband of faithful friends amounted to thirty-six millions of souls only!Such was the unequal[Pg 14] division of power in Europe in July 1809, whenthe grand expedition under the present Earl of Chatham quitted theBritish shores, to assail the enemy in a quarter then looked upon asthe most vulnerable point of his widely extended dominions.
During the awful period of preparation, the eyes of every inhabitantof these realms were directed to the place of rendezvous; while withbreathless anxiety they watched the movement of every ship, and ofevery battalion, as if the fate, not only of the United Kingdom, butof the civilized world depended on the contemplated assault. From theLand's End to John O'Groat's, and from Donaghadee to the southernmostpromontory of Erin's green isle, the interest excited on this occasionwas every where the same. Throughout Scotland, England, and Ireland—inthe mansion of the peer, and lowly abode of the peasant—one prayeronly was heard, and that one was for the success of the expeditionwherever bound, and a safe return to those embarked in it.
At Deal, Ramsgate, and Portsmouth, scenes of a most animateddescription were daily presented to the eye of a spectator, from thecommencement of the vast preparations, till the last vessel spreadher white sails to the wind, and bade adieu to the chalky cliffs ofthe sea-girt isle. During the whole of that interesting period, theembarkation of men, horses, artillery, and military stores, continuedwithout intermission until all the ships[Pg 15] in the fleet were filledwith the munitions of war, and those gallant spirits who were destinedto apply them to deadly purposes. At the embarkation of some of thebattalions, it was truly heart-rending to see the poor women takingleave of their husbands—many of them to meet no more. The agonizingcries,—the piteous lamentations, and the tears which flowed in copiousstreams down their care-worn cheeks, were more than sufficient topenetrate the hardest heart that ever lay incased in the breast ofman. The feelings of the soldiers, also, were on those occasions,not only such as to do them honor, but to convince every individualwho witnessed the interesting scenes, that although soldiers may besaid to live and move in a region of danger, and not unfrequentlysurrounded with scenes of horror, in every appalling shape which thefield of battle can produce, yet their hearts are stored with a muchlarger portion of the finer feelings of the human breast, than peoplein private life have hitherto been disposed to give them credit for.The parting salutations of the distressed couples, no one could hearwithout being sensibly affected.—"God bless you, Mary; be kind to ourbabes;" or "Farewell, Betsy; think of me till I return;" were verygenerally the requests made by the soldiers, when they grasped thehands of their afflicted partners, to bid them adieu,—requests whichthe latter invariably promised to[Pg 16] observe, and then sealed theirpledge with a tender embrace.
Scenes of dissipation were also pretty numerous, particularly atPortsmouth, where it was nothing uncommon to see a jolly tar lockedso fast in the arms of a help-mate on the beach, that it requiredconsiderable exertion to rouse them from their slumber, and not alittle persuasive eloquence to make the happy mortals relinquish theirunseemly couch on the shore, for one more secluded from public view.
For two weeks previous to the sailing of the expedition, Deal wasliterally filled to an overflow with naval and military officers of allgrades, from the admiral to the little middy, and from the general tothe jolly ensign. Every hotel and tavern, and numerous private houses,were so crowded, that four of my friends were one evening compelled topay one pound four shillings for a room and single bed.Determined to reap a golden harvest, the good honest peopleof Deal, demanded most exorbitant prices for almost every article werequired, and which, I am sorry to say, were but too generally paid,and without a grumble by the thoughtless, and almost countless host ofpurchasers. During the day, the principal shops were crowded almost tosuffocation—particularly those confectionary establishments where thesparkling eyes of the fair shopkeepers formed a point of attractiontoo[Pg 17] powerful for the youthful portion of our fraternity to resist.
By the bye, I should like to know the reason why so many confectionersand fancy snuff retailers, place pretty little interesting creaturesbehind their counters, for it is a system which I ever have, and willcontinue to condemn as one of a most pernicious tendency—the giddy andthoughtless portion of our youth viewing it in a light favourableto immorality. Now, this being a fact which no man can deny, andas it should be the grand object of all respectable tradesmen to standfair with the world, and be at peace with their own consciences, thoseindividuals who now employ decoy ducks, cannot too soon layaside the practice, for they may rest assured, that no such bare-facedattempts to procure a market for their commodities, will ever bepatronized by any good or honourable man.
From the rising to the setting of the sun, Deal and its environsdaily presented to the eye of a stranger, a singular and interestingpicture. Afloat and on shore, the first disturbers of our nocturnalrepose, were the morning guns, and reveille. By their united efforts,thousands of dormant spirits were daily roused into action, some toprepare for a long and a tough pull at the oar—others for a hardcruise on shore. From day-break all was life and gaiety on board;and ere the sun had advanced far on his diurnal journey, hundreds ofboats filled with naval and military heroes, were skimming along the[Pg 18]surface of the briny deep, and with fearful velocity hastening towardsthe landing-place. The foraging parties returned to their ships onprocuring the provisions of which they stood in need; those on pleasureremained on shore to enjoy the sports of the day. On the departure ofthe former, stillness reigned through every corner of the town, tillnoon, when boats, as formidable in point of numbers as before, againapproached the beach, and poured fresh cargoes of emigrants into it, tothe great annoyance of all, save shopkeepers and publicans. On landing,each officer pursued the route which fancy pointed out. The politicianretired to some place of entertainment, and scanned the pages ofthe newspapers; the sedate and prudent had an eye to their personalcomforts; and the loungers made arrangements for a cruise throughthe town, to torment some unfortunate billiard marker, or make someconfectioner, or milliner's shop girl fancy herself a goddess. Engagedin similar interesting and honourable employments, thevarious groups promenaded the streets, till old father time, pointingto the hour of four, gave the whole a hint to retire and partake ofDeal hospitality, or the good things which their friends had providedfor them on board. From the latter hour, every hotel, and minor placeof public resort, were crowded with warriors of every description,whence hundreds of them, after dedicating many a full flowing cup tothose they had left behind, went[Pg 19] daily reeling to their boats, ashappy as the juice of the grape, or malt could make them, all the waysinging,
"How merrily we live who soldiers be."
Whenever the surf ran high at the landing place, these thoughtlessmortals afforded their more reflecting brethren a very rich treat;for having generally dipped deeper into the cup of intemperance thanprudence dictated, they had so much difficulty in stowing themselvesinto their skiffs, that a severe bruise or two on the leg, in additionto a complete ducking, were very frequently the fruits of theirbacchanalian revels, before they accomplished their object.
A more unique, and on the whole, interesting mass of human beings, wasperhaps never before collected within so narrow a compass. In Deal,were congregated men from every country, of every religious persuasion,and of every profession under the sun. So various were the costumesworn, and so numerous the languages spoken by the dense assemblage ofnaval, military, and civil characters, as they paraded the streets,that had that interesting personage, Mr Paul Pry, been then inexistence, and dropped in upon us, ignorant of the cause which haddrawn us together, he most assuredly would have taken it for granted,that it was our intention to build a second Babel on one of the heightsbetween Deal and Dover.
[Pg 20]
Various as were the costumes of the multitude, their shades ofcharacter were not less diversified. Having occasion one day to waitupon Sir John Hope, (late Earl of Hopetoun) he, on my taking leave,requested me to carry a letter to Colonel Cameron of the 92d regiment,who, with a portion of his battalion, was then on board of the Superbof 74 guns. On leaving Walmer, I proceeded to the quarter-deck of thevenerable bark, and delivered my charge into the hands of theHighland chief. Knowing that Sir John Hope was to take his passage inthe Superb, and that orders had been received for her to sail on thefollowing morning, the Colonel instantly communicated the contents ofSir John's note to Admiral ——, whose pendant floated in the windfrom the mast of the "Old Superb," as the nautical gentlemangenerally denominated her. On hearing that Sir John Hope did not expectto embark for three or four days, the Admiral then said he would writeto Sir John on the subject, and requested me to forward his letter themoment I landed. The Admiral then hurried into his cabin, and in a fewminutes reappeared with the letter in his hand.
On receiving it, I again repeated my pledge to see the letterdelivered, and was on the eve of turning round to regain my boat,when the Admiral, without uttering a word, snatched the letter out ofmy hand, tore it in numerous pieces, and like a flash of lightning,darted into the cabin.[Pg 21] This comic scene drew smiles from many aweather-beaten countenance, while to me, the whole matter was totallyinexplicable; and in this hopeful state of ignorance I might haveremained to the present day, had not a naval friend the same day atdinner satisfied me, that with the exception of a few such occasionaloccurrences, there was no other draw-back to as gallant and amiable acharacter as ever graced the quarter-deck of a British man-of-war.
To the same friend I am indebted for the following anecdote of anotherdistinguished naval commander, who held an important command in thefleet, which wafted us to the pestilential marshes of the land of frogs.
A few days previous to the memorable battle of Trafalgar, Admiral SirR.S. was detached on a special service by Lord Nelson, with severalsail of the line. The gallant chief had not been long absent from thegrand fleet, when one morning he observed an enemy's fleet of foursail of the line, bearing down, cleared for action. Our lads beingas anxious for a bit of fun as their Gallic opponents, accepted thechallenge, and to it they went, ship to ship. One of the Britishships commanded by Captain ——, less distinguished for beauty thanhis unconquerable courage, grappled instantly with a French ship ofsuperior force, and in a very short time made her opponent feel, thatno enemy, however formidable, is at any time permitted to approach aBritish man-of-war with impunity; for
[Pg 22]
Firm are the sons that Britain leads,
To combat on the main.
On perceiving that the fire of his favourite ship was doing greatexecution, the Admiral, in token of his admiration, threw his hat onthe deck, and remained uncovered, amidst dreadful showers of bullets.The fire from the French vessel growing less vivid, Sir R.'s heartwas so gladdened with this first prospect of victory, that he beganto dance, and with the vigour of years gone by, kept it up, till hishat was turned into innumerable shapes; and in one of the mostfantastic, removed from under the Admiral's feet, and replaced onhis head. A second favourable omen soon after appearing, the hat wasagain doomed to descend from its elevated station, to experience fromits brave owner the same treatment as before. But fortunately for thechapeau, a third omen of victory soon followed the last, whichoperated so powerfully on the mind of the gallant Admiral, that heordered his wig to follow its friend, and in a twinkling againbegan to trip it on the light fantastic toe, and continued the youthfulamusem*nt till every one of the enemy's ships had successively hauleddown their colours.
The day at length approached, when it became necessary for alland each of us to lay fun and revelry aside, and prepare for anearly meeting with the enemies of our common country. Early on theafternoon of the 27th July, the ominous signal,[Pg 23] Blue Peter,was hoisted on board of the head quarter ship. Although nothing hadbeen permitted to transpire which could mark the exact point ofdebarkation, yet from various movements among the vessels of war, itwas not very difficult to discover that our destination was Holland.This was rather a disagreeable discovery, for it was impossible tobanish from our remembrance the dreadful hardships which our friendssuffered in that country, during the campaigns of 1794 and 1795.These unpleasant recollections, added to the disastrous dispatcheswhich arrived from the banks of the Danube, a few days previous tothe sailing of the expedition, produced an unfavourable impressionon the minds of almost every individual in both services. But itmay very fairly be questioned, whether the appointment of a titledgeneral to a high command in the expedition, did not produce a muchmore baneful sensation. Report had been for some time particularlybusy in assigning to this General the situation which he ultimatelyheld in the expedition; but until the appointment actually appearedin the London Gazette, none attached the smallest credit to it; forthere were more than one general officer then at home, not only wellqualified for the command of such a force, but who having spent thegreater part of their lives on foreign service, looked for such anappointment as a suitable reward for their long and faithful services.That some of the best and bravest of our land felt[Pg 24] severely the coldhand of neglect on this occasion, was not only currently reported,but credited in military circles. In fact, report went so faras to assert, that promises had been made in a high quarter to someof the gallant individuals, which, if kept, the noble Earl would havebeen compelled to remain at home, and live in expectation. Had theappointment of commander-in-chief rested with the troops, their choicewould, no doubt, have fallen upon that general, whose military talentsshone so conspicuously in the command of the British army in Spain, onthe fall of his early and bosom friend, the lamented Moore.Can I adduce a stronger proof in support of this assertion, than thefollowing little incident, to which I was an eye-witness. A privatesoldier of the 36th regiment, actually refused to embark at Portsmouth;and on being desired to give his reasons for disobeying the orders ofhis superiors, very coolly replied, that it was because Sir JohnHope was not to have the command of the expedition. I may statefurther, that the soldier was placed in the boat by force; and onquitting the beach, cried, "Sir John Hope for ever;" to whichthe cheers of those on shore most heartily responded.
So confident were many of my friends that the fleet would never sailfrom the Downs, that when the signal of preparation was hoisted,hundreds were on shore, so totally destitute of the means of leavingit, that had the fleet got under weigh the[Pg 25] same day, a considerableportion of them must eventually have been left behind. As it was,many officers did not get on board till four o'clock on the followingmorning, and then only on paying the trifling sum of three and fourGuineas for a trip of half as many miles.
The troops employed in this expedition, consisted of twelve squadronsof cavalry—forty battalions, besides portions of battalions, ofinfantry—and from eighty to one hundred pieces of artillery. The wholewere formed into sixteen brigades, and the latter again into sevendivisions as follows, viz.:
Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote's Division.
1st Brigade.—Colonel Mahon.
Three Squadrons.—9th Light Dragoons, part of 95th Rifle Corps, andDetachment of Royal Staff Corps.
2nd Brigade.—Brigadier General Rottenburg.
The 68th, 1st Battalion, 71st, and one Battalion of 95th RifleRegiment.
Lieutenant General the Earl of Rosslyn's Division.
1st. Brigade.—Major General Linsingen.
Three Squadrons 3d Dragoon Guards—Three Squadrons 12th LightDragoons, and Three Squadrons 2d Light Dragoons, King's German Legion.
2nd Brigade.—Major General Stewart.
The 2d Battalions of the 43d and 52d, and Eight Companies of 95thRifle Corps.
3d Brigade.—Brigadier General Baron Alten.
The 1st and 2d Battalions King's German Legion.
[Pg 26]
Lieutenant General Sir John Hope's Division, or Corps ofReserve.
1st Brigade.—Brigadier General Disney.
The 1st and 2d Battalions First Foot Guards.
2d Brigade.—Major General the Earl of Dalhousie.
The 1st and 2d Battalions 4th Foot, and 1st Battalion 28th Regiment.
3d Brigade.—Major General Sir William Erskine.
The 20th Foot, and 1st Battalion 92d Regiment.
Lieutenant General the Marquis of Huntly's Division.
1st Brigade.—Major General Leith.
The 2d Battalions 11th and 59th, and 1st Battalion 79th Regiment.
2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Ackland.
The 2d Foot, 76th, and 2d Battalion 84th Regiment.
Lieutenant General Mackenzie Fraser's Division.
1st Brigade.—Major General Dyott.
The 1st Battalions of 5th, 58th, and 91st Regiments.
2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Montresor.
The First Battalions 9th, 38th, and 42d Regiments.
Lieutenant General Grosvenor's Division.
1st Brigade.—Major General Brown.
The 2d Battalions 23d, 26th, and 81st, and First Battalion 32dRegiment.
2d Brigade.—Major General Picton.
The 1st Battalion 36th, 2d Battalion 63d, and 77th Regiments.
Lieutenant General Lord Paget's Division.
1st Brigade.—Major General Graham.
The 3d Battalion 1st Foot, and 85th Regiment.
2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Houston.
The 2d Battalions of the 14th and 51st, and 82d Regiment.
[Pg 27]
Commander-in-Chief.
Lieutenant General the Earl of Chatham.
Second in Command.
Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote.
Commanding Artillery.
Major General M'Leod.
Chief Officer of Engineers.
General Terrot.
The naval part of the expedition consisted of from 300 to 400 vesselsof all denominations, upwards of 100 of whom were ships of theline—frigates, sloops, and brigs of war, &c. The whole were placedunder the command of Rear Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, who hadRear Admiral Sir R.G. Keates as his second, on this interesting andimportant occasion.
At day-break, on the 28th of July, all hands were piped on deck toassist at the capstone, and most cheerfully did every man, soldiersand sailors, join in the good old British cry of "Yeo—heave ho!" Inless than an hour, a considerable portion of the fleet had unfurledtheir white sails to the wind, and were ploughing their way towards theScheldt, their decks covered with thousands of warriors, chaunting, asthey cast a long and lingering look behind—
"Ye beautuous maids your smiles bestow,
For if ye prove unkind,
How can we hope to beat the foe,
Who leave our hearts behind."
[Pg 28]
The vessels of war moved outside of the transports, and the gun-boats,with the assistance of some buoys, marked the route of the whole.The appearance of the fleet this morning, was even more magnificentthan when it rode at anchor in the Downs. Nothing could move morebeautifully than the largest class of our men-of-war, as they dashedthrough the foaming billows, leading the way to the scene of action.For some hours I paced the deck of our little brig, admiring withfeelings of national pride, the noble—the unrivalled spectacle beforeme; and on my eyes being sufficiently feasted, I descended into ourlittle crib, and there craved from the Giver of Victory, success insome degree commensurate with the magnitude of the armament.
On weighing anchor, the wind was favourable, and blowing what ournautical friends called a gentle breeze; but as we receded from theBritish shore, it freshened, and during the rest of the day blew hard.A few hours after leaving our anchorage, and when something like orderwas restored on deck, we retired into the cabin to partake of ourmorning repast. The servants, however, having neglected to lashthe table to the cabin floor, we had not been seated many minutes, whenone dire hitch of our little jade, tumbled every thing topsy-turvy. Inan instant, away went seats and sitters, table, tea-pot, cups, bread,butter, and eggs, all towards one common centre—the portly personof our[Pg 29] worthy quarter-master, a man nearly six feet four inches inheight. The latter no sooner felt an inclination to slide backwards,than he, like a drowning man grasping at a straw, rather unluckilycaught hold of the table, which being as ready for a piece of fun ashis own seat, at once yielded to the impulse of the venerable hero,and most cheerfully accompanied him in his trip to the then lower partof the cabin. Failing in this attempt to preserve his position, ourmessmate had now no other alternative than to permit matters to taketheir course, so down went the head, and up flew the heels of thewarrior, who in a moment lay weltering—not in his blood—but in tea,and nearly suffocated with the caresses of his friends, who in theirjourney to the same quarter of the cabin, found the veteran an obstaclenot to be avoided.
The wind had increased so much in the night of the 28th, that atday-break on the 29th, the sailors called it a stiff gale. Two hoursafter sun-rise, the sea presented to the view of all on board, such anunusual appearance, that every one fancied that the vessels in rearwere descending a considerable declivity. As the day advanced, the windincreased, till the surrounding waters became so agitated, that whenthe masters of transports were plying between their own vessels andthose of their respective commodores, they frequently appeared to usall but engulphed in the roaring element. The small craft[Pg 30] rolled andpitched most fearfully, and the crews of the gun-boats had work enoughon their hands. The decks of the latter being raised very little abovethe surface of the water, almost every wave passed over them, drenchingthe crews so thoroughly, that the poor fellows, long ere night, hadmore the appearance of belonging to some amphibious tribe, than thehuman race. In the afternoon, the cries of some of the latter for help,were truly deplorable. Previous to the sailing of the expedition fromthe Downs, the competition amongst the junior naval officers for thecommand of the gun-boats, was extremely keen, each candidate bringinginto play all the interest he could command, to obtain for him theobject of his ambition. But I am pretty certain, that had a sense ofhonour permitted them, not a few of those spirited individuals would,on this occasion, most gladly have made use of the same interest tohave themselves removed back to their former situations.
About nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, the person on thelook-out duty, descried the Dutch coast a-head, and towards noon,a great many vessels dropped their anchors in the Room-Pot, butsubsequently moved to a safer anchorage in the Vere-Gat, betweenthe islands of Schowen, and North Beveland. Here the whole armamentre-assembled the same evening and following day.
Every thing being ready for an immediate descent on the enemy's coast,part of the army[Pg 31] destined to act against Flushing, were removed intoflat bottomed boats; and at four o'clock in the afternoon of the30th, moved off in beautiful order towards the shore. Under cover ofa few bomb vessels and gun-brigs, the small craft advanced with greatregularity, till within a short distance of the landing place, when ageneral cry of, "Devil take the hindmost," ran from right to left. Thelanding of troops in face of an enemy, being at all times a hazardousoperation, considerable anxiety was apparent in every countenance, tillthe friends who had preceded us in the road to honour, had obtained afooting on the enemy's soil. Having effected a landing on the island ofWalcheren, at a place called the Bree-sand, and about a mile from FortDer Haak, part of the troops under General Fraser, were sent againstthe latter; which, on his approach, being evacuated by the enemy, hecontinued his offensive movement towards Ter-Vere. The governor of thisfortress shewing an unwillingness to resign his command, the place wasregularly invested on the land side, and bombarded from the river, withgreat effect during the night of the 30th, and the whole of the 31st.These summary proceedings caused the commandant to listen to terms, andultimately to surrender the town, garrison, and military stores,into our hands on the following day.
Middleburgh, the capital of this little island, surrendered to Sir EyreCoote, on the 31st July, and[Pg 32] Fort Ramakens on the 3d of August, butnot before the place was regularly invested, and our batteries about toopen on its defences.
Pending these operations, a portion of the fleet under Sir RichardKeates, having on board the reserve, commanded by Sir John Hope,proceeded up the eastern branch of the Scheldt, and on the 1st ofAugust effected a landing on the island of South Beveland, the wholeof which fell into our hands, during that and the following day. Thebrigade of guards under General Disney, were pushed forward towardsFort Batz, a place of some strength, at the upper extremity of theisland, which being evacuated by the enemy, was taken possession ofby them on the 3d of August. The brigade commanded by the Earl ofDalhousie, was directed to support the Guards in this movement, and SirWilliam Erskine's brigade occupied Ter Goes, the chief town, and someadjacent villages. A few days after, the latter brigade moved forwardsix or seven miles, and took possession of the towns of Capelle,Biesling, &c.
After a good deal of severe fighting between the troops underGenerals Graham, Houston, Lord Paget, and the enemy, Flushing wasclosely invested on the 1st of August. From that day the duties ofour companions engaged in the siege were unremitting; and owing tothe natural dampness of the soil, and copious rains which dailydeluged the earth around them, extremely severe. In constructing[Pg 33]their batteries, and carrying forward their other field operations,the British troops had to contend with most unseasonable weather,and an active and enterprising enemy. But every individual borehis allotted portion of privations and danger, with a firmness andresolution which at once commanded the admiration and thanks of theirsuperiors. Honour, country, liberty,—words to the military slave, ormercenary, unknown,—carries the British soldier through every dangerand difficulty, and makes him lay down with pleasure even life itself,if by such a sacrifice, offered on the altar of his country, he cantransmit to his posterity, untarnished and unimpaired, the libertiesand honour of his native land.
From the 1st of August, daily affairs of posts took place between thebesieged and besiegers—the French commandant allowing no opportunityof retarding the progress of his opponents to pass unimproved. Hisefforts to prolong the siege, or utterly defeat the plans of hisantagonists, were ceaseless. His dreadful salvos of artillery from theramparts, at one time, and his well-planned and ably executed sorties,at another, caused us a loss in time, as well as many valuable lives.But notwithstanding all his exertions, our batteries were constructed,and reported ready to open on the 12th of August.
Every moment of our time being precious, preparations were made fora combined attack on[Pg 34] Flushing, by land and sea, on the followingmorning. The land batteries, accordingly, opened at ten o'clock, andwere for some time gallantly seconded by a number of our vesselsof war. But the fire of the latter not proving so effective as wasanticipated, Sir Richard Strachan withdrew them from under the enemy'sguns, resolved to make another trial on the succeeding day.
Accordingly, at ten o'clock on the morning of the 14th, Sir RichardStrachan again weighed anchor, and carrying six or eight ships of theline close under the enemy's batteries, instantly opened his fireupon the town, and by rapid and dreadful broadsides from his floatingcastles, assisted by the batteries on shore, soon set Flushing on firein numerous places. For some hours General Monnet returned the salutesof our batteries and ships with much spirit and considerable effect;but towards four o'clock the flames had spread over the greater partof the town, and so many of his guns had been disabled, that beforefive o'clock his fire almost entirely ceased. Conceiving the momentfavourable to transmit the governor a summons to surrender, Sir EyreCoote accordingly sent in a flag of truce, about five o'clock, andgave him one hour to consider the conditions on which his submissionwould be accepted. No answer having arrived at the expiry of the aboveperiod, the cannonade was instantly re-commenced, and continued withunabated violence, till almost the whole of the[Pg 35] devoted town was in acomplete blaze. Being now fully convinced that it would only be a wasteof human blood to continue the contest longer, General Monnet offeredto capitulate, on condition of being sent into France. This offer beingrefused, he then agreed to accept the terms dictated by the Britishcommanders, which in substance were,—that he should surrender himself,and all the troops under his command, prisoners of war, and deliver upall his cannon, and military stores, into the hands of the conquerors.The total loss sustained by the enemy on this occasion, consisted of6079 men killed, wounded, and prisoners, 224 pieces of cannon, 2000barrels of gun-powder, and an immense quantity of military stores.
The roaring of the artillery, in and around Flushing, had no soonerreached the ears of the good people in that quarter of South Bevelandwhere I was then stationed, than the roofs of all the churches andwind-mills in our vicinity, were crowded with anxious spectators,almost all of whom had friends or relations residing in Flushingon that eventful day. Although the distance between us and thebelaboured fortress was considerable, yet the spectacle produced by theoperations of the belligerents, was forced upon our notice in the mostmagnificent, but melancholy form, which we could possibly have desired.None, however, but those who were close to the scene of action, canform any idea of the dreadful scene which followed in the wake ofthe[Pg 36] last cannonade. But even at the distance at which we viewed theconflagration, its appearance was so truly appalling, that althoughthere was no one thing which we more ardently wished for than the fallof Flushing, yet as men and as Christian soldiers, we could not refrainfrom dropping a tear of sympathy for the innocent inhabitants, who,surrounded with flames, and threatened with instant death by our shotand shell, had spent a day and a night of horror, which none but thosewho have been similarly situated can possibly describe.
At day-break on the 15th, Flushing had all the appearance of a vastcharnel-house, for whichever way a person turned his eyes, there wasnothing to be seen but houses
Tottering in frightful ruins, as the flames
Had left them, black and bare;
And half-burnt bodies, which allured from far
The wolf and raven,—and to impious food
Tempted the houseless dog.
Having all along looked forward to the fall of Flushing as a signalfor the simultaneous advance of both army and navy, to prosecute, to asuccessful close, our ulterior operations against the enemy, languagecannot express in terms sufficiently strong, the severe disappointmentwhich all of us experienced, when, instead of being ordered to acta part worthy of the land of our birth, the whole army was kept incantonments, and in the full enjoyment of an inglorious ease, tillthe troops became[Pg 37] so sickly, that it seemed to be a matter ofdoubt how far prudence would lend the sanction of her nameto any further military operations against Antwerp. To settle thispoint, however, a council of war was held, but not till TEN DAYSAFTER the surrender of Flushing. The deliberations of the councilwere, as a matter of course, kept a profound secret. But report wasbusy on the occasion, and if it spoke truth, a naval officer of rankoffered, with a given number of frigates, &c., to lead the way toAntwerp, and there take, burn, or otherwise destroy the whole of theenemy's fleet and stores, provided he was supported by Sir John Hope,with a mixed force of 22,000 men. The offer, though not accepted, musthave shewn the members of the council, that there was one of theirnumber, who did not occupy that place at their board which his greatmilitary talents entitled him to fill. For on the same dayit was also reported, that on the breaking up of the meeting of thegeneral officers, more than one of them expressed an intentionof returning to England, that they might no longer be an obstaclein the way of his appointment to the supreme command of the army inHolland. If none of the lieutenant-generals, senior to Sir JohnHope, expressed themselves in the manner above stated, then report musthave been amusing its auditors with a tale of fiction; but until theassertion is shewn to be groundless, by the testimony of one[Pg 38] or moreof the lieutenant-generals then present, (two of whom, viz. the Duke ofGordon, and Earl of Rosslyn, are still alive,) I shall consider myselfentitled to hold the same opinion I have hitherto done in regard tothis matter.
About the 20th of August, the troops were first attacked with feverand ague. Towards the latter end of the month it had appeared in theranks of every battalion, but in some with more virulency than inothers. A great part of the men being quartered in barns, itfrequently occurred that all the inmates, (six or eight,) of some ofthose places, were seized with the disease in the same night. This,however, we were not much surprised at; for the natural dampness of thebarn-floors, and the humidity of a Dutch atmosphere, were of themselvesmore than sufficient to engender disease, even had the barns beenplaced on situations of much greater altitude. As an antidote to thepestilential vapours incident to the climate, a wholesale systemof bathing was recommended by our medical friends. When it was intendedto indulge the soldiers with a little of this cooling amusem*nt, theywere generally marched down to the right bank of the Western Scheldtabout mid-day. At a given sound of the bugle, the lads of our battalionundressed, but not a man durst move into the water, till the shrillnotes of a second bugle intimated to the interesting group thatthey had permission to do so, dressed in Adam's[Pg 39] first covering.The scene which followed can only be pourtrayed by the pencil of aCruickshank,—language would fail in the attempt. Some were highlyamused with the exhibition; but I must confess that I looked upon thewhole proceedings with loathing and disgust. I most readily concede,that the feelings of a considerable portion of the private soldiers arenot of a very refined description,—but as men of various charactersare to be found in every mixed society,—who will assert that therewere not many individuals in the battalion, whose feelings were deeplywounded on these occasions, by making them figure in an exhibition, noless novel than indecent. It is bad policy to place men in situations,where, if any change in their conduct is produced, that change must befor the worse.
But Sir William Erskine, who was intimately acquainted with the natureof the malady, strongly recommended to our notice the followingrecipe,—one glass of brandy before dressing, one at breakfast, oneafter dinner, and another in the evening. This antidote, being muchmore congenial to the habits and tastes of a great majority of hisbrigade, than an ablution in the Scheldt, raised the fame of SirWilliam as a son of Æsculapius, far above others of greater pretensions.
But regardless of all our antidotes, death appeared in our ranksabout the latter end of August. His power continuing to increase, itwas deemed advisable[Pg 40] to remove all our sick to England, on the 1stof September. On the 2nd, our division, the reserve, received noticeto prepare for embarkation; and on the following morning we marchedto the left bank of the Eastern Scheldt—went on board of transportsready to receive us, and afterwards dropped down to the anchorage ofthe Vere-Gat. Here, by some of those unaccountable occurrences whichbut too often follow the failure of a military enterprise, we weredetained nearly a week, inhaling infection at every breath, when wemight have been enjoying the healthful breezes of our native land. Theconsequences were such as any man of common understanding would haveanticipated. Fever and ague, in its worst form, increased so rapidly,that before we reached our own coast, more than a-half of the men wereunder medical treatment, and the whole as uncomfortable as our mostinveterate enemy could wish.
On the morning subsequent to our re-embarkation, between twentyand thirty of the men on board of the transport in which I took mypassage, were attacked with the pestilence. To prevent it spreading,the worst cases were removed from the hold, into boats placed underan awning on deck. In one of these temporary hospitals, ten or adozen fine fellows were confined on the evening of the 5th September,when the first victim on board ship, a tall, handsome grenadier, tookleave of this world. His companions taking it for granted that their[Pg 41]dissolution was also approaching, became so agitated, that it was withthe utmost difficulty they could be prevailed upon to remain in theirberths. Being on deck when the grenadier died, and perceiving thestate into which his melancholy exit had thrown them, I endeavoured,but unsuccessfully, to soothe their excited feelings, and banish thedreadful notions which seemed to haunt their minds; but the prospect ofimmediate dissolution, and its attendant horrors, stared them so fullyin the face, that no language I could use seemed to have the smallesteffect. Their situation, at length, was so truly deplorable, that oneof the party, a tall, robust non-commissioned officer, started to hisfeet with the agility of the hare, leaped from the boat, and then withthe countenance of a maniac, ran along the deck, crying in all thebitterness of despair, that he was a dying man, and continued in thisstate of temporary delirium, till a fresh attack of ague compelled himto resume his place in the boat.
In the same group of patients, there was a grenadier, a man of a mostathletic form, but of weak intellect. On perceiving the serjeant leapfrom the boat, honest Willie Mill attempted to follow his example, butwas prevented by the sentry on duty. Early next morning I went on deck,expecting to find Willie in the last stage of the disease, but to myutter surprise I found him soliciting, not the grim king of terrors fora short respite, but[Pg 42] the pay-sergeant of his company for a morningrepast. Willie's appetite being always keen, he pressed his suit withso much ardour, that the sergeant was frequently on the point ofyielding. A sense of duty, however, at length prevailed, and Willie'srequest was refused. Foiled in his attempt to obtain a substantialbreakfast of beef and bread, Willie turned round, and with a lookthat would have sunk deep into the heart of a savage, very gravelysaid,—"Weel, weel, sergeant M'Combie, if ye think thae things are o'erstrong for my weak stamach, just gang to the cook, and tell him tomak me some stir-about, and to mak it gay'n thick." I need scarcelyadd, that Willie's second request excited considerable merriment ondeck, in which some of his boat-companions, ill though they were,heartily joined. Willie's last appeal was too powerful to be resisted;his appetite was gratified; he recovered, and I believe still lives toenjoy the bounty of his sovereign, which enables him to indulge in adaily allowance of his favourite stir-about.
On the 8th September, the transports containing our regiment, quittedtheir anchorage on the Dutch coast, and on the 10th cast anchor inthe Downs. On the following morning we sailed for Harwich, where, byreason of foul winds, we did not arrive till the afternoon of the 13th.Early on the 14th our worst cases were landed and consigned to thecare of the medical staff at Harwich, and a few of[Pg 43] those who couldwith safety be removed farther by water, were transported in boatsto Ipswich. In the afternoon the rest of the battalion, includingall the remaining sick, landed at Land-Guard Fort, and proceeded toWoodbridge barracks—the former on foot, the latter on waggons. Neverdid I witness a spectacle more heart-rending than the removal of thesick from the transports to the shore, and thence to Woodbridge. Theemaciated figures, and long thin pale visages of the poor sufferersas they lay stretched in the boats and on the waggons,—the piercingshrieks and agonizing groans which the jolting of the latter drew fromtheir death-like lips, forced tears from my eyes as I moved along withthe melancholy throng. This scene however, distressing as it was, wassoon to be eclipsed by others of a still more mournful description.For several weeks after our arrival at Woodbridge, our sick-list dailyincreased, till upwards of four hundred of our men were immuredwithin the cheerless walls of an hospital. Of these, two, three,and even four, were frequently removed in one day to the place ofinterment, and there consigned to the silent tomb, by those few whoma merciful Providence was pleased to bless with health and strength.At first the dead were buried with military honours; but this mark ofrespect was latterly withheld, on a representation being made to thecommanding-officer by the medical attendants, that the long-roll of themuffled[Pg 44] drum operated so powerfully on the minds of the sick, as torenew the alarming symptoms which had previously yielded to the powerof medicine. As each mournful procession crossed the barrack-square,the lamentations of friends, or the wailings of a widow, and her orphanchildren, struck upon every ear, and penetrated every heart. Never,no never, shall these distressing scenes, the fruits of rashness andmismanagement, be banished from my remembrance.
During the first two months of our residence in Woodbridge, theduties of the regimental medical staff were unremitting andsevere—particularly those of assistant surgeon Dunn, whose humanitywould never permit him to absent himself from the bed of the poorsufferers, so long as his medical advice could be of service. For thispraise-worthy attention to those under his charge, the blessings ofthe soldiers saluted him at every step, and no doubt encouraged him topersevere in the same laudable conduct throughout. I have been inducedto notice these facts, in order to shew my young medical friendsthat it is only by a humane, diligent, and faithful performance oftheir duties, that they can expect to obtain the grateful and sincererespect of those whose comforts and happiness, on similar occasions,are generally increased or lessened, in exact proportion to the zealwith which the surgeon and his assistants discharge the duties of theirstations.
[Pg 45]
With regard to the loss which we sustained in this most disastrousexpedition, I may remark that the effective strength of the battalion,which, on landing in South Beveland, was 998 rank and file, wasso much reduced by the Dutch pestilence, that, in the month ofOctober following, between 200 and 300 only were fit for duty. Onemorning, indeed, the grenadier company could only bring twonon-commissioned officers, and three privates, to the publicparade. But had the deaths, numerous as they were, constituted thewhole of our loss, a few additional recruiting parties would verysoon have made good the deficiency. Unfortunately, however, in ourbattalion, as in almost every other employed on the same service,the deaths formed but a small portion of our real loss. Forthe repeated attacks of the malady had made such inroads on theconstitutions of the survivors, that, when put to the test in thePeninsula, they were found to be no longer the same men. Their frameshad become so enervated, that exposure to the night air, or a heavyshower of rain, sent many of them shivering to their beds; then to anhospital, where they but too frequently led a life of suffering andmisery, till they sank into a premature grave.
Placed in Woodbridge under the circ*mstances just now stated, it cannotbe considered surprising that the months of October and November shouldhave appeared to us cheerless, and have passed slowly away. Indeed Ibelieve, that but for the[Pg 46] grand jubilee parade, subscription ball,and dinner, on the 25th of October, we should have died of perfectennui. In the afternoon of that day, the garrison, consisting offour battalions of infantry, a considerable body of artillery, andsome German cavalry, were marshalled in the barrack-square, by BaronAlten, and almost immediately on the troops taking their stations, thethundering of the cannon right and left,—the vollies of musketry,—thecheers of the soldiers, re-echoed by dense masses of the populace,proclaimed to the surrounding country, that George the Third, theFather of his people, had completed the fiftieth year of his eventfulreign.
At the conclusion of this interesting pageant, the officers threadedtheir way towards Woodbridge, where, at five o'clock, they sat down toan elegant dinner, consisting of all the varieties and delicacies ofthe season. Almost every officer in the garrison was present, and forsome time every thing went off with eclat. On occasions of this kind,however, it but too frequently happens that the young and inexperiencedallow reason to resign her seat to folly, and are then betrayed intoactions the most extravagant and absurd. Inexperience has, no doubt,been often permitted to be pleaded in mitigation of the offence ofan unfledged youth; but some young men are led to the commission ofoffences which even youth cannot palliate. This being the case, I trustI shall be permitted to express a hope, that in future the[Pg 47] young andthoughtless portion of our military youth will attentively listento, and ponder over the advice of their more experienced brethren,before they place themselves under the guidance of a tutor reared inthe school of folly. For by doing so, they may rest assured that theywill at all times glide along the surface of life as smoothly as alittle bark, skimming along the surface of unruffled water, and likeher, at length find their way into port without meeting with any thingmaterially to lessen the pleasure of the voyage of life.
On the 6th of March, 1810, I bade adieu to Woodbridge, and proceededto Scotland, on my way to join the second battalion of my regiment inIreland. Being in a delicate state of health, I amused myself a fewweeks in Edinburgh, and then proceeded to the country to inhale the airof my native hills.
[Pg 48]
CHAPTER II.
Completely restored to health, I took leave of the Land of Cakes forthat of true hospitality, in the very centre of which I beat up thequarters of my friends in the second battalion, in the latter end ofJune 1810.
It was originally my intention to take no other notice of my servicesin this part of the world, than what is to be found in the aboveparagraph, and perhaps a similar one on my taking leave of the secondbattalion for the Peninsula. But a much-valued friend, conceiving thatthe Memoir would be incomplete, without a few articles descriptive ofthe duties which soldiers are but too frequently called upon to performin Ireland, and of the enemies against whom they generally act, haspressed me so strongly on this point, that I have, in deference to hisopinion, selected the following for insertion.
Athlone is a very ancient town, and stands on both banks of the riverShannon, over which there is an old, ugly, ill-built, narrow bridge.The general[Pg 49] appearance of Athlone is extremely antiquated, and farfrom prepossessing. It is just what we may very aptly denominate afinished town. Dull and lifeless, however, as every thing appearedduring the day, yet with the kind attentions of the families residingin the town and vicinity, we contrived to pass the monotonous hoursof a soldier on home service pleasantly enough. But pleasant as theprivate parties generally were, they did not constitute our onlysources of amusem*nt. We possessed within our own circle others no lesscaptivating, amongst which I may mention a garrison weekly club, asnot the least attractive. The expense was limited to half-a-crown, forwhich each member was entitled to supper, and a couple of tumblers ofpunch. The officers of the different corps always assembled at seveno'clock, played cards, chess, or backgammon, till ten;—then attackedthe poldowdies; and after destroying a few hundreds of them, and doingample justice to the poteen, retired to our respective cages before themid-night hour, always in good humour with ourselves, and all thosefriends who five hours before we were happy to meet, from whom we weresorry to part, but with whom we would be happy to meet again.
Since that time, I have heard many individuals who arrogated tothemselves a larger share of common sense, or worldly wisdom, thantheir neighbours, inveigh with considerable asperity against[Pg 50]regimental messes and garrison clubs, on the plea that they were aptto lead the young officers from the path of temperance to that ofdissipation. Had those people taken a less superficial view of militarysociety, they would have come to a very opposite conclusion. Youngofficers, like the young men in every civil society, are no doubt indanger of being led astray by the seductive orations of the dissoluteportion of their fraternity. For the latter, on finding themselveslowered in the estimation, and shunned by their discerning and morehonourable-minded brethren, invariably employ every stratagem they canthink of, and all the most fascinating language at their command, toinduce the inexperienced and unsuspecting youth to quit the paths ofvirtue and honour; and this is too often done under the specious, butfalse pretext, that dissipation, and its accompanying vices, are mostbecoming the officer and gentleman. From this candid acknowledgment ofthe dangers to which officers are exposed on joining their corps for afirst time, some may think it totally impossible for a youth to escapethe wiles of the enemies of virtue. But I request all those to bearthis in remembrance, that the moment an officer joins his regiment, heis from that time surrounded with men of high character and honour,who are ever ready to throw a protecting shield round the head of ajunior brother, against which the shafts of vice, from whatever quarterthey may be directed, usually prove pointless.[Pg 51] Yes; I repeat thatfive-sixths of the officers are always ready to act in this manner;for as the misconduct of any one member of a battalion never fails tocast a deep shade over the characters of the others, it is evidentlythe interest, no less than the duty, of all those officers who have anyregard for themselves or their profession, to check every attempt madeby a brother officer to swerve from the paths of duty, of virtue, andof honour, and endeavour to impress on the mind of their frail friendthe important truth, that those paths alone lead to rank and militaryrenown. From whatever motives, therefore, the great body of Britishofficers may act,—whether from a high sense of honour or interestedfeeling,—it is quite obvious that their youthful associates areequally safe, for in either case their heads must at all times be soprotected, as to render the utmost efforts of the profligate to leadthem into a ruinous course of low and degrading pleasures, altogetherunavailing.
In almost every newspaper we open, we find detailed the proceedingsof some religious meeting, convened for the purpose of raising fundsto send missionaries into foreign parts to convert the heathen toChristianity. Now, though I readily admit that this is a most laudableand praise-worthy object, yet I cannot help thinking, that beforewe expend any more of our British gold in attempts to convert theheathen inhabiting the burning sands of Asia and Africa, or the coldand inhospitable[Pg 52] wilds of Europe and America, we should endeavour tobring the British heathen to know and adore the infinite goodness ofthe All-wise and Omnipotent Ruler of heaven and earth. Some of thosepious individuals who have assisted to fill the coffers of foreignmissions, will no doubt read "British heathen" with surprise, if notwith the eyes of a sceptic. But to those who have doubts that suchpeople really reside within the British isles, I at once say, takea trip to the other side of the Irish Channel and have them fullyremoved. Lest, however, it may not be convenient for every one of themto take this step, I beg to state for their information, that on everyfine Sunday evening during the summers of 1810 and 1811, animmense concourse of people assembled a little north of the batteriesat Athlone, where two roads intersect each other, and there, to thesounds of the Irish bag-pipe and violin, danced and gamboled till nightspread her sable mantle around the heathenish groups, and put an end totheir unholy sports.
Now, as this unhallowed sport was not confined to Athlone, but wasequally common in various other parts of Ireland, I was then ofopinion, and I have seen no reason to change it, that to this openprofanation of the Lord's day a great proportion of the outrageswhich have so long disgraced that country must be ascribed. For whenpeople of either sex totally disregard these sacred duties which theday of rest imposes on them as Christians,[Pg 53] it is not to be expectedthat they will be more attentive to the moral and political duties oftheir station. When a man once breaks the Sabbath, he is then easilyled on from one crime to another, until he becomes so involved in thevortex of vice, that all other pleasures, save the most sinful anddetestable, are at length perfectly abhorrent to his nature. Wheneverreligion loses its hold in the mind,—when the day set apart forrest, prayer, humiliation, and thanksgiving, is converted into one ofdissipation, riot, and profanity, what check remains, I ask, to curbthe unruly passions of men, and restrain them from the commission ofevery description of crime, but the dread of a capital punishment onearth? Now, as the man who knows not the great Author of his being,cannot be supposed to dread the power of his Almighty arm, and as men,when engaging in any criminal enterprize, generally indulge the hope ofeluding the lynx-eye of justice, they,—on having their hopes realized,are frequently so much elated with their good fortune, that theygradually get rid of that terror which the law inspires, and are soonprepared to execute the most hazardous and most atrocious offences.Have we not lamentable proofs of this afforded us every day, by theconfessions of those whose lives have become forfeited to the laws oftheir country?
One market-day, a countryman all in his glory, with a "sprig ofshilellah" poised above his head, and[Pg 54] a "shamrock so green" neatlyentwined in the band of what had once been a hat, made his appearanceat the upper part of the market-place of Athlone, challenging to mortalcombat all and sundry the lieges, from the veteran of threescore andten, down to the stripling of sixteen. After capering and vapouringfor some time, to the great terror of egg and crockery merchants, andno one appearing inclined to volunteer a tilt with him, Pat, afraidthat he would be done out of a customer, knocked a neighbour down forpure love, in order to procure the grand object of his ambition—a row.The whack had scarcely been given, when more than fifty shilellahsflew like flails round as many heads, with which they instantly camein contact. A few of them fell on the head of the aggressor, but,as on all similar occasions in Ireland, the principal object of thebelligerents is to keep up the row at whatever expense, the greaterproportion of the weapons came in collision with the craniums ofindividuals, who were no otherwise interested in the matter than thattheir skulls lay rather more convenient for a crack than that of theobject of their rage. One man after another continuing to join in thegrand fracas, the combatants at length became so numerous, and theirconduct so extremely outrageous, that the local authorities found itnecessary to apply for military aid. One hundred men were instantlydispatched from the barracks to the scene of action, and by chargingalong the market-place, separated the[Pg 55] combatants, and caused asuspension of hostilities. Pat, however, far from being satisfied withthe issue of the conflict, embraced the earliest opportunity, afterthe soldiers retired, to renew the sport. To it again they went asgallantly as before. For the following half-hour there was no scarcityof men—of shilellahs—of blows—or of blood, which ultimately flowedcopiously from numerous wounds. Heads were cracked—arms damaged—andmany an odd bone complained of fractures—and yet none thought ofyielding. Every thing in fact was progressing as favourably as Patcould wish, when the same party of "lobsters," as Jack would say, putan end to the glorious sport, by charging a second time the motleyassemblage, which, but for the officers, would have received a heartydrubbing from the soldiers, as a proper reward for their barbarousfoolery. After clearing the market-place, the soldiers retired, andleft the combatants to bind up their wounds, and splice their fracturedlimbs in the best manner they could. As for the unfortunate wretch, thesole cause of the bloodshed, he was found in the evening on thebanks of the canal, close to the town, beat almost to a mummy, but inlife; and such was his ghastly appearance, that it was with the utmostdifficulty that any person could be prevailed upon to admit him withintheir door, even for a single night.
With a party of fourteen men, and an excise-officer, I left Athloneone evening at 10 o'clock, on[Pg 56] a still-hunting excursion. Atday-break we seized upon one of the delinquents engaged in the illicittraffic, who, with all his apparatus, but no whisky, we lodged in safekeeping in Athlone. This duty every officer most cordially detested,but it was much relished by the greater portion of the men, who, forevery still captured, received, in addition to their pay,serjeants 18s., corporals 10s. 6d., and privates 7s. In the spring of1811, a party of our corps, and a few dragoons, captured in thirtyhours, no fewer than twenty-two stills, and for each every man receivedpayment in the foregoing proportions. These are no doubt startlingfacts, and ought, I think, to convince those who have the Irish revenuelaws in their keeping, that a system which requires so much money tokeep it in a working condition, must be founded on principles radicallyunsound.
Parties of the lawless portion of the peasantry then denominatedCarders, having administered an unlawful oath to a considerablenumber of rather respectable people in the counties of Roscommon andGalway, detachments were ordered from our garrison in the month ofFebruary 1811, to various places from fifteen to thirty miles fromAthlone, in order to put a stop to their treasonable proceedings. Thoseparties having been recalled, and others ordered out to replace them,I, at the head of one of those detachments, marched from Athlone onthe 11th of April, and having taken an[Pg 57] early dinner with a brotherofficer at Roscommon, proceeded in the evening to Ballymoe Bagot, inthe county of Galway. In this village my quarters were of the mostmiserable description, the only apartments I could procure, being asmall room and closet, neither of which had any ceiling. In fact, theonly thing between the clay under my feet, and the thatch abovemy head, was large quantities of soot, so neatly suspended from theroof, in long and beautifully curled rows, that the whole dangled innearly as becoming a manner, as the black feathers on a Highlander'sbonnet. Notwithstanding this, it was with more than ordinary regretthat I quitted Ballymoe, after a six weeks residence, for I neverexperienced more genuine hospitality than I did during my stay in thatrural village.
Soon after I parted with my friend at Roscommon, a large assemblage oftown and country people attacked his barracks, broke all his windows,and threatened to break his head also, and those of the men under hiscommand. These threats, and the entire demolition of his windows,raised the temperature of my friend's blood to such a degree, that,regardless of the consequences, he moved his band of twenty out ofthe barracks, fixed bayonets, charged along the market-square, andin an instant cleared it of the rioters, one of whom received a deepprobe in the breech. Called upon for a detail of his operations, thegallant commander transmitted to General Sir James Affleck,[Pg 58]then commanding the western district, a long and whimsical dispatch, inwhich, after enumerating the names of all those who had distinguishedthemselves in the engagement, (and which I believe included everyman in the detachment) he concluded, "It now only remains for me toexpress my sincere regret, that the nature of the service on which Ihave lately been engaged, will not permit me to recommend any of mybrave followers for promotion." Poor L——! he fell in a more memorableconflict—that of Quatre Bras.
One afternoon, during my stay in Ballymoe, a brawny, squat, realson of Erin, came running to my quarters all covered with mud andperspiration, and foaming at the mouth like an enraged mastiff. Hator shoes he had none; and his inexpressibles, and other toggery, asthe members of the fair-play club would say, were such as would havesecured him ready employment as a scare-crow in any part of Ireland.Conceiving that something was wrong, I hurried to meet him, and rathereagerly inquired the cause of his visit, but the only answer I couldobtain was, Och! murder—murder, your honour! And as he continuedto return similar answers to my subsequent interrogatories, I wasat length induced to look upon the frightful figure before me as amurderer, craving protection from a host of pursuers. Under thisimpression, I inquired if my suspicions were well-founded. At firsthe made no reply; but on the question being repeated, he[Pg 59] stammeredout,—"Och! is it me, your honour, that is a murderer? No, no; I am nomurderer; but a murder, and a bloody-murder too, your honour, has beencommitted in my presence within the last half-hour, and I am come toask your honour for five or six of your men, to help us to take thevile murderer." On requesting him to favour me with the particulars,he informed me, that a few men and women being at work together ina field between three and four miles from Ballymoe, one of the menraised a pitch-fork, and without the smallest provocation, plunged itinto the bowels of a bosom friend. On hearing these facts, I instantlydispatched a sergeant and six men to the scene of blood, but previousto their arrival, the monster had unfortunately escaped.
A few days after this melancholy affair, my assistance was requiredto root out a band of free-booters, who were so entrenched in theaffections of a village peasantry, from ten to twelve miles fromBallymoe, that they committed offences with impunity, and bade thelaw defiance. At eleven, P.M. I left Ballymoe, taking withme a sergeant, corporal, and sixteen privates. About three o'clock,A.M., I received an addition to my force of eighteen strappingyoung Irishmen, armed with shilellahs, all of whom had some knowledgeof the parties, against which we were marching. At day-break we arrivedin sight of the abode of the lawless banditti. On approaching which,I detached four[Pg 60] of my own men, and six of my auxiliary corps to theright, and as many to the left of the village, to watch the motions ofthe nine individuals we were in search of, and with the rest of thesoldiers and Irishmen, I pushed forward into the centre of the villageto take the whole napping. In this, however, I was disappointed, forearly as it was, they had obtained intelligence of our approach, andhad all left their houses, save one woman whom we secured. But thenon military part of my detachment, who were well acquainted withthe village, had their eyes rivetted on the avenues of escape, andconsequently, that portion of them who filed round the town, were readyto pounce upon their game, as soon as they made their appearance. Thelatter being completely rigged for a flight, flew like lightning acrossdub and mire, and over hedge, ditch, and dykes, till they reached thesummit of a gentle acclivity, when, being considerably blown, andseeing some of their bare-kneed assailants gaining rapidly upon them,three of them joined, and with their backs to a stone-wall, offeredbattle. The challenge being accepted, a bloody affair ensued, whichended in the capture of those three, and another of their associates.All the others escaped.
By this time all the village population had turned out, and hundredswere fast approaching us from all quarters, and as I soon learnt, forthe express purpose of releasing the prisoners. Being of opinion[Pg 61] thatit is at all times infinitely better to prevent crime than to punish*t, I caused the men to load, and on doing so, to shew the deludedcreatures their balls, before ramming home their cartridges, inhopes of deterring them from making the meditated attempt, which couldonly have produced streams of blood. And I am happy to state, that theobject I had in view was completely obtained, for in a few minutes thewhole multitude retired peaceably to their respective places of abode,and left us at liberty to remove the prisoners wheresoever we pleased.
Having dispatched the prisoners to a place of safety, we retraced oursteps towards Ballymoe. Ravenous as wolves, we took the liberty to walkinto a snug-looking cabin, where two riddles, well filled with smokingmurphies, appeared in a most inviting condition for hungrymen. Having asked and obtained permission to join the rustic party attheir frugal morning repast, we were not long in seating ourselves,and doing ample justice to the praties and butter-milk. Duringour operations, I could scarcely refrain from smiling at the innocentsimplicity which played on the countenances of the little half-cladurchins, who, as each potatoe disappeared, looked wistfully, firstat the riddle, then at their mother, and finally, cast a significantglance towards us, as much as to say, "Bad luck to you, be off, orwe shall be compelled to honour Duke[Pg 62] Humphrey with our company tobreakfast." On preparing to resume our journey, I tendered the poorwoman a trifle for her excellent fare; but so determined was she notto accept of any thing in the shape of remuneration, that I had noalternative left, but to sprinkle a few small pieces in such a manneron the floor, that they could not be collected till we were completelyout of the reach of pursuit.
I shall conclude this chapter with the following anecdote, which wasrelated to me by the gallant major himself.
Major C——, on joining the regiment in November 1810, being obligedto take lodgings in town, was, one morning before day-break, rousedby a hideous noise under his windows. Conceiving that this proceededfrom a body of carders, on their way to attack the barracks,the major paced the floor in a twinkling, decorated in his militaryparaphernalia. John, whom the sonorous voice of his master had awakenedfrom dreams of earthly bliss, to ruminate on the troubles of theother world, entered the major's apartment just as the latter wasbuckling on his sword, and with extended mouth, and eyes half open,eagerly inquired what had happened. "The carders are by this timeat the barracks," replied the major. "Did you see them, Sir?" saidJohn, rather anxiously. "Why, no," answered the major, "but I heardtheir unearthly[Pg 63] screams as they passed under the windows." Here aconsiderable pause ensued; for John, having some doubts on the subject,scratched his head, shrugged his shoulders, and with an unmeaning grinon his countenance, stood as if anxious to state them, but yet afraidto do so. Silence being at length broken by the major inquiring thecause of John's grimaces and shrugs, the latter instantly replied, "Ihave just been thinking, Sir, that what ye ha'e ta'en for the cheers ofthae blackguards, the carders, has probably been the skirlings of somecountry lassies at a funeral." The morning being uncommonly dark, andthe major totally unacquainted with the mode of conducting funerals inIreland, John's remark, instead of producing any change in the major'soriginal intention, only tended to convince him, that his servant wasbetter fitted for a snug berth in Bedlam, than the one which he heldnear his person. Fully satisfied, therefore, that the garrison wouldderive but little assistance from John, Major C——, after bestowing onhis servant a few well dove-tailed epithets, was descending the stairon his way to the barracks, when his landlord, who had overheard thelatter part of the conversation, pursued his gallant tenant, and soonsucceeded in convincing him, that the noise was nothing more than themellifluous notes of a few of his fair country-women accompanying somedeparted friend to the place of everlasting repose.
[Pg 64]
Having thus gratified the wishes of my friend, though perhaps not tothe extent he may have expected, we shall now, with his permission,take a temporary leave of Erin, and by easy stages, proceed to thetheatre of war in the Peninsula,
"And join the gallant quarrel."
[Pg 65]
CHAPTER III.
With a detachment, consisting of one major, two captains, foursubalterns, one assistant-surgeon, and 248 rank and file, I took leaveof Athlone on the morning of the 17th of August 1811, and proceeded toFairbane, on our way to the place of embarkation. On the 18th we movedforward to Birr—next day to Roscrea—on the 20th to Thurles—and onthe 21st to Tipperary, where we halted on the following day. On the 23dour route led us to Mitchelstown, and to Fermoy on the 24th. Here anorder had preceded us for forty-eight of the detachment to return toAthlone, they being considered too young to undergo the fatigues of aPeninsular campaign. The poor young lads, on being made acquainted withtheir new destiny, absolutely shed tears of sincere heart-felt sorrow.Two hours before day-light, on the morning of the 30th, they commencedtheir retrograde movement; and about as long after day-break we alsobade adieu to Fermoy,—proceeded to Cork,—and on the following[Pg 66]morning embarked at Monkston, on board of the Minerva transport.
Having previously purchased a competent stock of provisions for ourlittle voyage, we weighed anchor at seven o'clock on the morning ofthe 7th of September, and shortly after quitted Cove harbour, under agentle breeze from the land. Continuing to scud along with a favourablegale, we descried the Rock of Lisbon a little after sun-rise on the19th. About two o'clock a pilot paid us a visit, and carried theold bark up the majestic Tagus in fine style, to a berth oppositeFort-Belem. At three o'clock, p.m. on the following day, we disembarkedat the Blackhorse square. The men were quartered in a convent, and theofficers upon the inhabitants.
The exterior appearance of Lisbon from the Tagus is extremelybeautiful, vieing in splendour with the finest city in Europe. Butthe interior view of it is so truly disgusting, that we are forced toplace it in a scale beneath the rank of the very lowest. The streets,which are narrow and ill-paved, are filthy beyond description. But howcan it be otherwise, when every night, between nine and ten o'clock,every thing, no matter how disgusting, is tumbled from the windowsand balconies of the houses into the streets, and with so littlewarning, that the ominous Garde-del'eau seldom reaches the ears of thepassengers till they have been completely soused by their brethren inthe upper regions. Now, to remove this abominable[Pg 67] nuisance, whichoffends the eye, as well as the nasal organs of every stranger, none ofthe inhabitants ever contribute either personal service, or pecuniaryaid. What, therefore, can be expected in a city such as Lisbon, butfilth, particularly when it possesses no scavengers, save the rainsof heaven which occasionally descend in torrents, and hordes ofhalf-starved dogs, which are confined all day without meat, and in theevening turned adrift to find food as they best can, to satisfy thecravings of hunger. The piteous howlings of those wretched animals,as they crawl along the streets, would wring a tear of sympathy fromthe heart of a savage; and yet it produces no other effect on that ofa Portuguese, than to excite a laugh at the expense of the individualwho may have the humanity to commiserate the cruel fate of the poorfour-footed scavengers.
A little before our arrival at Lisbon, a party of officers, on landingfrom England, agreed to dine together previous to retiring to theirrespective billets. Happy to meet, and sorry to part, they continuedto while away the time so pleasantly, that the clock told nine beforethey were aware that more than seven hours of the last half of the dayhad passed away. As their quarters lay in different parts of the city,each individual at parting had to act as his own guide. In the groupthere was one, who, to an amiable, added rather a timorous disposition.This officer had proceeded[Pg 68] but a short way on his journey, when theusual cry, Garde-del'eau, struck his ears from various quarters at thesame time. Being alike ignorant of the language, as of the customsof the Portuguese, he fancied himself surrounded by individuals whointended doing him some bodily harm. Pausing a moment, to see if anyfriendly hand was near, or any loop-hole by which he could effect hisescape, he was glad to observe but few people in the street, and thatthe greater portion of his enemies were several stories above him. Thisdiscovery led him to try if a good pair of heels would remove him to aplace of greater safety. He accordingly started at a pace which wouldnot have disgraced any of the winners of the Great St Leger, but in thehurry, his foot unfortunately struck the corner of a broken flag, whendown he tumbled, amidst shouts of Garde-del'eau, and the contents ofnumerous mortars from the batteries above. In a twinkling he startedto his feet, and bounded along like a deer, he knew not whither, everynow and then receiving the partial contents of an additional mortar.At length worn-out, and observing something resembling a guard-house,he walked in. His appearance, however, being a little cadaverous, theofficer of the guard (a Portuguese) shewed at first a disinclination tohold converse with him; but on the British hero making his hair-breadth'scapes known to his foreign brother, the latter, though he deeplycommiserated the fate of his visitor's uniform,[Pg 69] yet enjoyed a heartylaugh at his expense, in which not only the guard, but the subject ofmerriment himself, ultimately joined.
From the immense number of British officers and soldiers that werecontinually parading the streets of Lisbon, a stranger not knowingthe cause, would, on first witnessing the novel spectacle, have beenapt enough to exclaim, "What! has Portugal become a colony of GreatBritain?" From morning to night the Adjutant General, Quarter-masterGeneral, and Town-major's offices were constantly filled with officersand non-commissioned officers. Some reporting their arrival fromEngland—others from the army. Some were applying for a passage toEngland—others for a route to the army on the frontiers. Some werenecessarily and usefully employed in copying extracts from the generalorders of the army, regarding the marching of detachments to and fromthe army,—others were in quest of billets,—and the whole were inclose pursuit of the Commissary.
Having received our camp equipment, and every other article werequired, we embarked in boats at six o'clock on the morning of the28th of September, and both wind and tide being favourable, the wholedisembarked at Valada, forty miles above Lisbon, at two o'clock in theafternoon. This small village stands on the right bank of the Tagus,and at that time almost every house in it bore[Pg 70] ample testimony of thefriendship which the ruthless invaders entertained for the proprietors.
When Lord Wellington retired from Almeida to the far-famed position ofTorres-Vedras, the inhabitants were invited to remove their persons andproperty to a place of security in rear of the allied army. Amongstthe few who were deaf to all entreaty, was an elderly man, who,with his wife, and a beautiful daughter, occupied a house in Valada. OnMassena's progress being arrested at Torres-Vedras, the whole countrywas instantly over-run with his legions, in search of shelter from theinclemency of the weather. Valada, as a matter of course, was occupied,and a party quartered on the obstinate old man. They had not been manydays in the house before the sparkling eyes of the beautiful Maria hadso far captivated the hearts of the foreign inmates, that two of themsuccessively paid their addresses to her, which, however, she rejectedwith marked disdain. This so irritated the villains, that from thatday they sought the ruin of the family. The eyes of the father beingat length opened, he, with the most sincere and poignant grief, beheldfor the first time, his daughter standing on the brink of inevitabledestruction. But alas, it was too late to retrieve the error into whichhis obstinacy had betrayed him. An order arriving for the detachmentto proceed to Santarem, one of her lovers again made Maria a tenderof his hand, which was rejected[Pg 71] as before. This was conclusive ofher fate. In an instant the innocent girl was dragged from under herfather's roof, and he, in an attempt to rescue her from the grasp ofthe ruffians, received a wound from one of their bayonets, of which hesoon after died. Her mother was afterwards maltreated, and the houseplundered; in fact nothing was left but the bleeding trunk of the oncehappy father—the wretched mother—and the once beautiful and happy,but thenceforth the miserable and unhappy Maria. The former then layhid from the sight of men, but the other two I saw in Valada; thewidowed mother mourning over the loss of a beloved husband, and themisfortunes of an only daughter; and poor Maria, deprived of a parent'sfostering care, sat brooding over her misfortunes, with misery staringher in the face, being unable to render any assistance to her motherfrom the barbarous treatment she experienced at the hands of the vilemiscreants.
How often since that time have I fancied that I heard this interestinggirl repeating, in all the calm utterance of despair,
——"O cover not
His blood, thou earth; nor ye, ye blessed souls
Of heroes, and of murdered innocence,
O! never let your everlasting cries
Cease round the eternal throne, till the Most High,
For all these unexampled wrongs, hath given
Full overflowing vengeance."
[Pg 72]
Our route led us on the 29th to the once beautiful city of Santarem,but then little better than a heap of ruins. That part of itdenominated the New Town, stands on the summit of a considerableeminence, and commands a most extensive and delightful view of the valeof the Tagus, and country on its left bank. The Old Town is built alongthe eastern base of the hill, close to the bank of the river.
When Marshal Massena retired from before Lord Wellington atTorres-Vedras, he selected the position of Santarem as one admirablyadapted for a defensive post, against an assailant moving from the sideof Lisbon. The left of the French army rested on Santarem, and theright extended westward a considerable distance. What nature had leftunfinished to render the position formidable, Massena endeavoured toaccomplish. Field-works of various kinds crowned the eminence, whilethe face of the hill was studded with innumerable breast-works, fromwhich thousands of Gallic soldiers for some time looked down upontheir opponents with the scowl of defiance. From the plain the alliedtroops could advance by one road only to the assault of the left of theenemy's position, and that was so completely commanded by the worksabove noticed, that thousands of them would have bit the dust beforethey could have made the smallest impression in that quarter. For notattempting to drive Massena from this position,[Pg 73] the British generalwas roundly but most unjustly censured by various classes in England.At first the troops were a little disappointed in not being allowed anopportunity of measuring weapons with the enemy; but before Massenafinally relinquished his hold of Santarem, I believe there was not aman in the British army but was convinced that their chief acted onthat occasion with his usual prudence and caution, in not attacking thecrafty Marshal in his almost impregnable post, defended as it was by anumerous and veteran army, and commanded by a general, who, from hisnumerous successes, had been dubbed by his Imperial Master, the"Child of Fortune."
On the 30th we moved forward to Gallegao, fourteen miles from Santarem.During the last invasion of Portugal, some hundreds of the inhabitantsof this large village were turned adrift on the world by the French,who subsequently ransacked and pillaged their houses, and then eitherthrew them down, or burned them. But even these barbarous acts did notalways satisfy the enemy. No: when it suited their convenience, murderwas added to their long catalogue of crimes.
See yonder cottage, once the peaceful seat
Of all the pleasures of the nuptial state.
The sturdy son, the prattling infant there,
And spotless virgin blessed the happy pair.
In gentle sleep undreaming ill, they lay;
But, oh! no more to see the cheerful day.
[Pg 74]
Observing a young man of genteel appearance walking rather hurriedly,and apparently in deep meditation, behind the counter of a very smallcoffee-shop, we stepped in under pretence of purchasing a cup of thatexcellent beverage, but, in reality, to obtain information relativeto the conduct of the French troops during their sojourn in that townand vicinity. After enumerating various acts of uncommon barbarity,he informed us, that before the French invasion, his father, mother,brother, and two sisters, occupied one of the neatest cottages inGallegao, where, blessed with a competency, they lived in the fullpossession of every earthly comfort, which a family united withinitself, and possessing the esteem and love of its neighbours, couldenjoy. Being the reputed possessor of riches, the enemy naturallyconceived that the old man would have a portion of his cash secretednear his person, but how to lay their talons on it, they were forsome time at a loss to invent a proper excuse. At length, however,the happy thought struck them, that as our informant was then in theranks of the Portuguese army, nothing could be more plausible than acharge of treason against his father and brother. Accordinglythey were seized, tried, and on a charge of corresponding with theBritish, condemned and executed. Their once happy abode was plunderedand unroofed, and his beloved sisters were dragged from their nativevillage, and compelled to accompany the murderers of[Pg 75] their parent andbrother. Of their fate he was then totally ignorant; but his opinionwas, (and tears trickled down his cheek as he spoke,) that if they hadescaped the fate of the former, it was not improbable but that both ofthem, rather than survive their dishonour, had put a period to theirwretched existence.
Next morning we occupied Punhete, once a neat village, but then almosta ruin. It stands on a piece of level ground, at the confluence of theTagus and Zezere, and is completely surrounded with hills, as barrenas they are uninteresting to the eye. To those who have not witnessedthe distressing spectacle, no language can properly convey the mostdistant notion of the destruction of property by the enemy at Punhete,in spring 1811.
Almost every piece of furniture, and every door and window in thevillage was removed to the French bivouac, in its vicinity, but not onearticle ever returned; for every thing was consigned to the flames,when the enemy took a final leave of Punhete. The village church wasnot even held sacred by the unhallowed crew. No: from under the sacredroof every thing portable was removed, and the interior of the buildingwas then converted into a place of repose for mules and asses. Godgrant that a similar calamity may never befal the sacred edifices ofour own happy isle!
On the 2nd of October, we entered Abrantes. This ancient city crownsthe summit of a hill, two[Pg 76] sides of which, the south and the east,are extremely steep and difficult of access. The base of the eminenceon these sides, and part of the west, is washed by the Tagus, overwhich there was then a bridge of boats, by which all reinforcementsand stores for the army, proceeding from Lisbon by Abrantes, crossedto the left bank, up which, those intended for General Hill's corps,ascended as far as Alpalhao, and turned to the right; and those for themain army, as high as Villa-Velha, where they again crossed the noblestream by a similar conveyance, and then proceeded to their destinationby Castello-Branco. The claims of Abrantes to rank high as a militarystation, will be taken into consideration, along with those of Elvasand Castello-Branco.
Having rested our limbs on the 3rd, we advanced to Gavao on the 4th.Crossing by the bridge before mentioned, our route led us two leaguesover a sandy plain, studded with cork trees; and then a similardistance over a heath as barren and uninteresting as any spot I hadever before traversed. In a morning when a little fog is skimming alongthe surface of the ground, the country around Gavao, when viewed fromthe spire of the village church, or any other building of equal height,presents a singular appearance—its natural undulations givingto the whole surrounding space, as far as the eye can reach, all theappearance of the mountain waves of a watery expanse,[Pg 77] when violentlyagitated by a dreadful gale of wind.
At Alpalhao, on the 5th, the people complained bitterly of theirpoverty; but when they found that we required nothing from them, theypraised the English and cursed the French, as roundly as the greatestenemy of the latter could have wished.
Early on the following morning we quitted Alpalhao, and moved forwardto Portalegre, then the head-quarters of General Hill, as well as ofour first battalion. Our march was a very dreary one; but the warmreception which we met with from our friends, who on our arrivalhastened to welcome us to share their dangers and their glory, soonbanished all traces of it from our remembrance.
On the breaking up of the allied army from its encampment in thevicinity of Estremoz, on the 1st of August, the main body under LordWellington, proceeded towards Almeida, and the remaining portionof it was formed into a corps of observation, which, at the dateof our arrival at head-quarters, was composed of the followingbrigades of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, under the command ofLieutenant-General Rowland Hill.
Allied Artillery.
Three Brigades, British and Portuguese.
Allied Cavalry.
Commanded by Lieutenant General Sir William Erskine.
[Pg 78]
British Brigade.—Major-General Long.
The 9th and 13th British Light Dragoons, and 2nd Hussars King's GermanLegion.
Portuguese Brigade.—Colonel Campbell.
The 4th and 10th Light Dragoons.
2nd Division, Allied Infantry.
Under the temporary command of Major-General Howard.
1st British Brigade.—Major-General Howard.
The 1st Battalions of the 50th, 71st, and 92nd Regiments, and onecompany 5th Rifle Battalion 60th Regiment.
2nd Brigade.—Colonel Byng.
The 1st Battalions of the 3rd and 57th, and 2nd Battalions of the 31stand 66th Regiments.
3rd Brigade.—Colonel Wilson.
The 1st Battalion 28th, and 2nd Battalions of the 34th and 39thRegiments.
4th, or Portuguese Brigade.—Colonel Ashworth.
The 6th and 18th Regiments of the Line, and 6th Cacadores.
General Hamilton's Division of Portuguese Infantry.
1st Brigade.—Brigadier-General Campbell.
The 2nd and 14th Regiments of the Line.
2nd Brigade.—Brigadier-General De Costa.
The 4th and 10th Regiments of the Line.
[Pg 79]
CHAPTER IV.
General Murillo having advanced from the frontiers of Portugal, towardsCaceres in Spanish Estremadura, for the double purpose of procuringrecruits, and supplies for the 5th Spanish army under his command;—theCount D'Erlon, on the first intelligence of these movements reachinghim, instantly detached General Gerard with a division of the 5thFrench corps, and a considerable body of cavalry, from Merida, toarrest his progress. The belligerents came in sight of each other ashort distance from Caceres, but no serious collision took place,for Morillo's force being far inferior to Gerard's, both in point ofnumbers and discipline, the former conceived it prudent to withdraw histroops towards Malpartida, and subsequently to Arroyo-del-Puerco andAleseda.
On these facts being communicated to Lord Wellington, he instantlytransmitted instructions to General Hill to advance and drive theenemy behind the Guadiana. General Hill accordingly broke[Pg 80] up from hiscantonments at Portalegre on the 22d of October, and with a portion ofhis troops moved towards the frontier. Two leagues from Portalegre, wepassed Allegrete, the last Portuguese town in this direction, and threeleagues farther we arrived at Codeceira, the first Spanish village,where, under torrents of rain we bivouacked. The whole of the officersbeing in light marching order, many of them were but ill prepared forsuch a visitation. A few, who were really very slenderly covered,formed a circle round a blazing fire, and each with his head restingon the legs of the friend immediately before him, they endeavoured tomake themselves as comfortable as men whose bodies are two-third partsfrozen, and one-third part roasted, can expect to be.
Next morning we advanced to Albuquerque, an ancient city, built on thenorthern slope of the Sierra-de-Montanches. On a rock, a little abovethe town, stands a castle, which, from its antiquated appearance, must,I should imagine, have braved the buffeting of the pitiless storm, froma period anterior to the introduction of gun-powder. Its situation iscommanding, and could a full supply of good water be introduced withinits walls, it might become a useful military station.
Our brigade, and three pieces of Portuguese artillery, moved forwardto Cantallana on the 24th, and on the following forenoon, a leaguefarther to Aleseda, where we found the third brigade, other[Pg 81] threepieces of artillery, and some Spanish cavalry, commanded by ColonelDownie. The road between Cantallana and Aleseda, was so miserably bad,that the guns had to be removed from their carriages, and carried up aconsiderable acclivity by a party of our brigade.
On arriving at Aleseda, we were ordered to cook with all expedition.This we subsequently found to be rather an ominous order, beinggenerally the precursor of a long march, or a sharp battle; and notunfrequently of both. At this time, the bullocks on which we were todine, were running and jumping around us, as free as the air of heaven,but in less than an hour, they were amusing us with more interestingleaps in our camp-kettles. The soup, just removed from the fire,having been placed before us, at the same time that the bugle calledus to arms, we were compelled by dire necessity to despatch it intothe regions of the stomach, in a state little colder than boilinglead. "This is comfortable employment for a cold day," said I to afriend near me, as we gulped down the boiling liquid. "True, but don'tyou think," said he, "that the comfort would be greatly enhanced,if we could lift up the veil which hides the future from our view.""Quite the reverse, my friend," replied I, "much wiser and better forthe human race, has it been ordered by an all-wise and over-rulingProvidence—who—
[Pg 82]
From all creatures hides the book of fate,
All but the page prescribed their present state;
From brutes what men, from men what spirits know;
Or who would suffer being here below?
The lamb, the riot, dooms to bleed to-day,
Had he thy reason, would he skip and play?
Oh, blindness to the future! kindly given,
That each may fill the circle marked by heaven."
On leaving Aleseda, about four o'clock, P.M. the evening was rathermild; but as the sun dropped behind the western curtain, the cloudsbegan to lower, and soon after, the sluices of the heavens were opened,and with great violence poured their fury on our heads, as we gropedour way towards Malpartida. Marching under the cloud of night, even inthe finest summer weather, is a most unpleasant operation. How muchmore unpleasant, therefore, must it be to a poor soldier in a darkstormy night, on a road covered to the depth of several inches withmud and water, and a surface so uneven, that every twenty or thirtyyards the foot either sinks deep into a rut, or comes bump upon astone, throws the owner completely off his balance, and precipitateshim headlong into the puddle. Such were the pleasures we enjoyed onour trip from Aleseda to Malpartida, which occupied the whole of thenight. So pale and worn-out were some of the men at dawn, on the 26th,that had the enemy been at a greater distance, not a few of them wouldhave laid themselves down,[Pg 83] and waited the coming of the morning sun toguide them on their cheerless course.
The enemy having given us the slip, by retiring from Malpartida beforeday-break, the German hussars were sent in pursuit of the fugitives,who retired to Caceres, and subsequently to Torra-Mocha. There beingno prospect of bringing the French to action, General Hill orderedus under cover in Malpartida. Early on the 27th, we resumed theoffensive, and finding that the enemy had retired from Torra-Mochato Arroyo-del-Molinos, we marched first to Aldea-del-Cano, then toCasa-de-Don-Antonio, and subsequently a forced march to Alcuesca, threemiles from Arroyo-del-Molinos.
Fully resolved to attack the enemy on the following morning, all thetroops, save the 71st, were placed in bivouac, in rear of the village,and completely out of the enemy's view. No fires were permitted;and the 71st regiment which occupied the town of Alcuesca, placedpiquets all around the village, to intercept any spy, or disaffectedperson that might attempt to carry to Gerard any intelligence ofour movements. About six in the evening the rain again descended onour heads in perfect torrents, and continued with unabated violencethroughout the whole of the ensuing night. On being desired to makethemselves as comfortable as they could, without the aid of fires, thetroops, without a murmur, consigned themselves to rest,[Pg 84] and bore theirallotted portion of misery like men and soldiers.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the sergeants went roundtheir respective companies, and in a whisper bade their men prepare foraction; the utmost silence being indispensably necessary to ensure thesuccess which our general anticipated. A few minutes were sufficient toput the column in motion, and a few more to shew us the enemy's fires,at the appearance of which our poor fellows were quite overjoyed, beingto them a sure indication that the birds had not flown. Although thedistance between the belligerents was little more than three miles, yetfrom the broken state of the road, the darkness of the morning, and theinclemency of the weather, we were fully four hours in traversing thatspace. The whole moved in one column, right in front, until we arrivedwithin half-a-mile of Arroyo-del-Molinos, when the various battalionsclosed up, and under cover of a little eminence, were formed into thefollowing columns of attack:—
The left column, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, 50thRegiment, was composed of the 1st brigade, 50th, 71st, and 92dregiments, one company 60th, and three field-pieces; and the rightcolumn, led by Major-General Howard, consisted of the 28th, 34th,and 39th regiments, one company 60th, 6th regiment of Portugueseinfantry of the line, 6th Portuguese Caçadores, two[Pg 85] field-pieces and ahowitzer. The centre was formed of the 9th and 13th light dragoons, 2dGerman Hussars, and the Conde-de-Penne Villamur's Spanish cavalry, andwas commanded by Sir William Erskine.
The formation being completed, the columns advanced in the followingorder:—The 71st and 92d regiments, and 60th rifle company, moveddirect upon the village, at quarter-distance, and the 50th in closecolumn, with the artillery a little in rear as a reserve. The rightcolumn, having the 39th regiment as a reserve, moved to the right,crossed the plain to the right of the town, in order to cut off theenemy's retreat by any of the roads leading from Arroyo-del-Molinosto Truxillo, Medellin, or Merida. The centre column moved between theother two, and was kept in readiness to act wherever its services mightbe required. General Morillo, with the Spanish infantry, supported theleft column.
The 71st and 92d regiments entered the village at a quick pace, and,at the point of the bayonet, soon cleared it of the enemy, who werequite unprepared for such an unceremonious visit. One brigade of theFrench infantry had unfortunately marched from Arroyo to Medellinprevious to our arrival, and the others were filing out of the villagefor a similar purpose, when the British huzza fell on their ears, andarrested their progress. Finding it totally impossible to escape[Pg 86]without giving battle, Gerard faced to the right-about, and madethe best disposition in his power for a determined resistance. Theinfantry he formed into two squares, on the roads leading to Meridaand Medellin. The right square was posted not more than one hundredyards from the village,—the other was at a greater distance, and hadits left flank protected by their cavalry. On arriving at the easternextremity of the principal street, the 71st moved to their left—linedsome of the village garden walls, and peppered their antagonists invery good style. The 92nd regiment following close on the heels oftheir companions, filed to the right, formed line, prepared to charge,but were not permitted to fire a single shot. This was extremelygalling to the soldiers, who saw their officers and comrades fallingaround them without daring to retaliate upon the enemy. This was nodoubt an unpleasant situation to be placed in, but knowing that thesuccess of an enterprise frequently depends on the manner in whichorders of this description are attended to, the Highlanders, witha praise-worthy forbearance, resisted every temptation to commit abreach of their orders, and with a patience not very peculiar to theircountrymen, waited the arrival of the decisive moment.
During the time occupied by the 92nd regiment in completing their newformation, the three pieces of artillery were brought forward, and onbeing posted[Pg 87] on our right, fired with terrible effect on the enemy'smasses, carrying death into their thickest ranks. In a few minutesthe French troops appeared extremely uncomfortable, and in a few moresomething like a wavering in their squares was observable. The momentso anxiously looked for having now arrived, the Highlanders movedforward to the charge, but the French declined the honour intended forthem, wheeled to the right-about, and with rather a hasty step retiredtowards a steep hill in their rear, over which their general fancied heshould be able to conduct them to more comfortable quarters.
Pending these operations against the enemy's right, General Howardmanœuvred round their left, and after cutting off their retreat uponMerida and Medellin, endeavoured to interpose his whole force betweenthe enemy and the mountain in their rear. Our cavalry were also veryactively employed. On perceiving it to be General Gerard's intention togain the rock with his mixed force, they advanced, cut off the Frenchcavalry from their infantry, charged them repeatedly, routed them,and captured all their artillery. These movements reduced the Frenchgeneral to the choice of two very bad alternatives—unconditionalsurrender, or a hazardous flight across the mountains. Giving apreference to the latter, he retired upon the most inaccessible pointof the hill, which his troops ascended, and then fired down[Pg 88] upon usfrom behind the rocks, with which the whole face of it was thicklycovered. To prevent the enemy from reaping all the advantages whichhe anticipated from this movement, General Howard pushed them closelywith the 28th and 34th regiments, and detached the 39th, and ColonelAshworth's Portuguese, round the eastern corner of the mountain, tocharge the fugitives in flank. The left column also kept close to theenemy on their retreat; and the Spaniards prepared to ascend the hillconsiderably to our left, to assist in the capture of the flying host.By these various movements, the latter became so sensible of their owninability to continue the conflict, but at a very unnecessary sacrificeof human life, that after throwing away their arms, or renderingthem useless, they attempted to escape from our toils; but the greatproportion seeing that to be impossible, a white flag was at lengthhoisted on the point of a sword, in token of submission. The remaindercontinuing their retrograde movement across the mountain, and theBritish troops being much in want of repose, General Hill gave over thepursuit of the fugitives to General Morillo, who followed them twentymiles—killed a number, and made many prisoners.
Our loss in this admirably conducted affair, was extremely trifling,compared with that of the enemy. We had only seven killed, fifty-sevenwounded, and one officer, Lieutenant Strenuwitz, aid-de-camp[Pg 89] toSir William Erskine, missing.—That of the French, consisted of onegeneral (Brun), Colonel the prince D'Aremberg, two lieutenant-colonels,an aid-de-camp of General Gerard's, thirty other officers, andfrom thirteen to fourteen hundred non-commissioned officers andsoldiers prisoners. The whole of their artillery, money, baggage,and provisions, also fell into our hands. Their loss in killed musthave been severe, for besides those who fell in action, Morillo foundupwards of six hundred dead in the woods and mountains, when inpursuit of the remains of this little army, which in the action andpursuit, was reduced from 3100 to 300, who with their wounded chief,effected their escape.
The 18th regiment of Portuguese infantry, and Brigadier-GeneralCampbell's brigade of Portuguese infantry, having joined us at theclose of the action, these corps, together with General Long's brigadeof cavalry, and the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments of British infantry,quitted the field of battle, immediately after the prisoners, &c.were collected, and moved forward to St Pedro, two leagues fromArroyo-del-Molinos.
We had not been long in camp, before a party of twenty-three Frenchdragoons were observed scampering across the plain in our front, in thedirection of Medellin. As no time was to be lost, one of our cavalrypiquets, consisting of seventeen men, dashed across the plain tointercept them. In a[Pg 90] few minutes the two parties stood in the presenceof each other, and without much ceremony, proceeded to business.The action, however, was of short duration, for the enemy, after afeebler resistance than was anticipated, agreed to accompany ourdragoons into camp, where they were received with three heartycheers. Both parties being in full view the whole time, the scene wasaltogether extremely interesting.
At three o'clock in the morning of the 29th, we quitted our bivouac atSt Pedro, and after a march of fifteen hours, under torrents of rain,entered Merida, wet, weary, and hungry. The following day being one ofrest, all the horses, mules, and asses, captured on the 28th, were soldby auction in the square of Merida, the produce of which, together withthe money found in Gerard's military chest, was ordered to be dividedat a subsequent period amongst the troops actually engaged on that day.
Our mission into Estremadura being ended, the whole of the troops inMerida, retired on the 31st to Montejo, and on the 1st of November, toCampo Major. The distance being fully seven leagues, we marched twohours before day-break, and at twelve o'clock, halted to refresh thesoldiers. Having a few minutes before crossed a deep, rapid, narrowriver, which struck some of our men a little under the arm-pits, oursituation at the time was not very comfortable. However, a two hours[Pg 91]rest, before a rousing fire, aided by a glass of grog, and the raysof a powerful sun, soon banished all traces of our ducking. In highspirits, therefore, we quitted our temporary bivouac. But we had notproceeded above four hundred yards, before another river, broader,deeper, and more rapid than the other, crossed our path, and againdrenched us to the neck. How we came to halt in such a position, nonecould form any notion; but all were agreed, that however amusing thespectacle of a few thousand men standing in water to the neck may be tomembers of the Quarter-Master General's department, those individualsmust be told that mistakes such as this cannot be tolerated, for to theweary, and but too often heated pedestrians, duckings such as thosejust mentioned, are the prolific sources of almost every disease, whichon service, hurries the young soldier into a premature grave.
We remained in Campo-Major on the 2nd of November, and on the 3rd movedto Arronches, an old fortress, the walls of which seemed totteringto their base. Resuming our retrograde movement next morning, were-entered Portalegre about one o'clock, amid the loud acclamationsof a grateful and delighted populace. Satisfied that the spontaneousand grateful effusions of the multitude on this occasion, flowedfrom hearts untainted with hypocrisy, we received them as a people'sthanks—the noblest reward a soldier can receive.
[Pg 92]
Thus terminated our memorable trip into Spain, the success attendingwhich very far exceeded the expectations, either of the nobleindividual who planned it, or the gallant and truly amiable Generalwho carried the plan into execution. And it is but justice to thesoldiers to state, that by a praise-worthy exercise of those militaryqualities—patience, firmness, and valour, in a manner peculiarlytheir own, their General was enabled to surmount every obstacle whichattempted to arrest his progress.
[Pg 93]
CHAPTER V.
If General Gerard required evidence to convince him that it is easierto prevent a surprise, than to banish the effects which are generallyproduced by this worst of all military misfortunes, the issue of theconflict on the 28th of October must have furnished him with proofof the most ample description. Prolific as the page of history is inexamples of surprises of a similar nature, yet I doubt much whether itaffords one where the officer surprised, reposed in a more criminalsecurity than General Gerard did on the above occasion. When firstinformed that the British troops were in motion, and advancing uponthe town in order of battle, the French chief who was then in bed,raised himself on his elbow, and said to his informant, "Pooh, pooh,the English troops will not march in such a morning as this!" and thenthrew himself into his former position.
Almost the greatest military blunder which any officer can commit,is that of allowing himself to[Pg 94] be surprised. When a general loses abattle, his honour and reputation remain unsullied, provided he hasdischarged the duties of his office with fidelity and zeal. But thevery reverse befalls that general, who through carelessness, or agross dereliction of the duties confided to him, permits himself to besurprised and beaten. Any general may have the laurel torn from hisbrow, however conspicuous his military talents may be; but a shamefuldefeat is rarely the reward of that individual, who, as far as hismeans will permit, provides against every contingency; who adoptsevery precaution in his power to prevent a surprise; and who neverfor a moment leaves any thing to chance, lest fortune, if trusted toofar, may prove faithless; and, as in the case of General Gerard atArroyo-del-Molinos, entail on himself and followers, defeat, and anoverwhelming load of disgrace.
The military annals of the world exhibits to our view a long listof commanders, who by forming too high an opinion of their personalmilitary qualifications, and spurning the advice of generals ofinferior rank, have placed themselves and followers in situations ofimminent peril. In this list, I fear we must insert the name of GeneralGerard. At all events, his conduct at Arroyo-del-Molinos should serveas a beacon to warn all officers of the dangers to be apprehendedfrom the smallest neglect of duty, from whatever cause it may arise,and also to convince them of the folly of rejecting[Pg 95] the advice of anexperienced or talented friend, simply because he may be junior in rankto themselves.
The necessity of British troops being instructed in every descriptionof field and camp duty, previous to quitting their native shore, wasnever more clearly developed than in our bivouac at Codeceira on the22nd of October. Our arms were no sooner piled, than the old stagersflew like lightning through the woods in search of comforts. But ourpoor Johnny Raws, as all young soldiers were denominated,instead of imitating their brethren in their laudable vocation, formedthemselves into little groups, and seated on their knapsacks, satshivering in expectation that fire, water, and beef would be providedthem without any personal trouble. The fruits of this gross ignoranceof camp duty were soon obvious. In two hours the experiencedsoldiers were called to dinner—the young ones had not then placedtheir camp-kettles on the fire.
It would be an act of gross injustice, however, to throw the smallestblame on the shoulders of those young men, for the ignorance exhibitedby them on that occasion. Totally uninstructed in field-cookery, or anyother portion of camp duty, what else could be expected of them? But,should the British soldiers be longer permitted to embark for a foreignclime in this state of ignorance? Should they not rather be marchedregularly as the state[Pg 96] of the weather will permit, to a convenientpiece of ground in the vicinity of their cantonments, then encamp,and after being instructed in every description of camp duty whichthey can be called upon to perform in the face of an enemy, return totheir quarters in the evening. Some such plan as this is indispensablynecessary, for it is principally owing to their total ignorance inthe mode of cooking in the fields, and sheltering themselves from thesurly attacks of the mid-night hurricane, that so many of our bestand bravest spirits are hurried into hospital in the early stages ofa first campaign. Some individuals would, no doubt, grumble and growllike bears at the new duty, but these would always be few in number;for there are but few officers or soldiers who would not willinglyexchange a little inconvenience at home, for health and some littlecomfort when roughing it at a distance from their native land.
On crossing an extensive plain between Malpartida and Aldea-del-Canoon the 27th of October, the troops were highly entertained by themounted officers of the corps, the latter having accidentally starteda hare, all the greyhounds belonging to the corps, were instantly putin requisition to run down poor puss. The little, timid, short-leggedelf, ran hard for existence, but notwithstanding all its arts andstratagems, it at length fell under the snouts of its numerouspursuers. Perceiving that the soldiers were highly delighted with thesport, the officers set about coursing in earnest,[Pg 97] and continued toamuse their companions, till they arrived at the extremity of theplain. Trifling as this little piece of attention may appear, itproduced a much greater effect on the spirits of the men, than the mostsanguine promoter of the sport anticipated. Time was so wonderfullybeguiled, that on the arrival of the column at Alcuesca, many of themen conceived that they had not marched above half the distance theyhad really done. Should not this tend to convince us that much good mayat times be effected by the officers finding harmless amusem*nts forthe soldiers under their command?
The 34th French infantry having preceded their commandant to the fieldof honour at Arroyo, the latter who was still in his quarters when wepassed through the town, mounted his charger soon after, and with hispowerful arm raised for mischief, galloped along one of the principalstreets, resolved to rejoin it, or perish in the attempt. ColonelCadogan, 71st regiment, happening to be in the same street, attemptedto stop him, but in making a cut at the head of his opponent, Cadogancompletely neglected to guard his own, which the former perceiving,returned the favour of his antagonist with such effect, that, but forthe tough materials surmounting it, the head of Cadogan would have beensevered in two. The gallant Frenchman, however, was made prisoner,and having on various occasions shewn a great deal of disinterested[Pg 98]kindness to British officers who had had the misfortune to be madeprisoners, the same marked attention was shewn to him at Portalegre. Asa more memorable reward for his humanity towards our countrymen, he,soon after his arrival in England, received permission to return tothe bosom of his family in France. Were all officers to act a similarpart to those who fall into their hands, the horrors of war wouldbe considerably mitigated, and much of that ferocity which but toofrequently characterizes the actions of men in the field of strife,would be altogether unknown.
The numerous escapes which soldiers have had from instant death inthe field of battle, would, if collected and published, form a mostinteresting volume. Buttons, pen-knives, stocks, pencil-cases, keys,watches, pocket-combs, sword-handles, and pieces of old paper, wouldbe found recorded as instruments made use of by Divine Providence toprolong the lives of thousands of them. Amongst those whose lives havebeen thus preserved by the kind interposition of the Divine Being,I may name Colonel Cameron of the 92nd regiment. The captain of thegrenadier company of his regiment having been wounded early in theaction, the senior lieutenant, on assuming the command of it, made afalse movement, on perceiving which, the Colonel greatly irritated,repeated his former orders in a voice of thunder, and as was his usualcustom when displeased, he struck his left breast with his right[Pg 99] hand,which then grasped the hilt of his sword. The last syllable of hisorders had just been delivered, and his right hand had scarcely touchedhis breast, when a bullet, dispatched by one of the enemy's riflemen,struck the Colonel on the first joint of the middle finger, shatteredthe bone, passed through the handle of the sabre, and then struck thebreast so violently, that he relinquished the command of the battalionto Major Mitchell, in the full conviction that the ball had passed intohis body. On being undeceived, however, the gallant Colonel instantlyrejoined his battalion, and with his middle finger dangling by a smallpiece of skin only, and the blood flowing from the wound in copiousstreams, he remained at the head of his Highlanders to the close of theengagement.
A few days previous to the battle of Arroyo-del-Molinos, a privatesoldier of very weak intellect, named Brown, lost his firelock, butwhere, or in what manner, he could give no proper account. On thecirc*mstance being reported to the commanding officer, he was soenraged, that he ordered Brown to be taken into the first actionwithout arms. The captain of his company, however, feeling for thesituation of the poor fellow, ordered him to fall out when close to thevillage of Arroyo. But no: the proud spirit of the half-witted creaturewould not permit him to accept of the kind indulgence tendered him.Brown continued in his proper place in the ranks, during the whole ofthe[Pg 100] engagement. Seeing some firelocks without owners, Captain D——desired Brown to arm himself with one of them, but the latter replied,"Colonel Cameron having been pleased, Sir, to order me into actionwithout arms, here I will remain unarmed until the action is over,or poor Jack Brown is sent into another world;" which resolution theheroic simpleton faithfully kept.
[Pg 101]
CHAPTER VI.
The commanding officer conceiving that five of us who had accompaniedthe detachment from Ireland, properly belonged to the 2nd battalion,applied to Lord Wellington on our return to Portalegre, for permissionto send us home. Leave being granted, we, after mutual expressionsof regret, parted with our friends at Portalegre, on the 22nd day ofNovember, and proceeded to Gaffeta. Next day we moved to Gavao, butfinding an officer there taking quarters for Colonel O'Callagan, andthe first battalion, 39th regiment, we departed instantly for VillaFranca, a small village two leagues from Abrantes. On approaching theresidence of the chief magistrate, in order to procure billets, thatworthy personage testified his joy at our arrival, by throwing the doorin our faces. Enraged at the insult offered us, it is possible we mighthave adopted a summary mode of obtaining an interview with this trulyamiable personage, had not a most interesting and lady-likewoman introduced herself,[Pg 102] and kindly offered us all the shelter ofher rural abode for the night. Having previously invoked a blessingupon our patrona and her interesting family, for her genuinehospitality, we bade adieu on the following morning to the residence ofthis most excellent woman, and proceeded to Abrantes.
After stowing away our baggage, and putting every thing in a fair trainfor dinner, we strolled about the streets and ramparts of Abrantes fora couple of hours, and then returned to head-quarters, where we fancieda nice dish of soup and a beef-steak would greet our return. Ourdisappointment therefore may be more easily conceived than described,when I state, that instead of such excellent fare greeting ourentrance, we were welcomed by two servants with rueful countenances,and each relating, in a plaintive strain, tales of woe, sufficient tomelt a heart of adamant. Moving as these were, however, they provedbut a poor substitute for dinner. To work, therefore, we went; andpartly by threats, and partly by entreaty, procured from the inmates afew culinary articles, which they very kindly had refused ourservants. Our disappointments, however, were not yet at an end, forwhen every thing was ready, the amiable couple refused us even a singlepiece of earthen-ware to put it on. Had Cruickshank witnessedthe infernal pair standing sentry over their stone-ware, the wife atone cupboard, and the husband[Pg 103] at the other, he must have acknowledgedthat a finer subject for his pencil was never afforded, for truly theyhad more resemblance to the inhabitants of Pandæmonium, than of thisworld.
After disposing of our baggage animals, we embarked at Abrantes in asmall commissariat boat on the 26th, and with a gentle breeze, glideddown the surface of the majestic Tagus, till the shades of night madeit dangerous to proceed farther. On arriving at a point opposite tothe neat, clean village of Chamusca, we hauled our boat ashore, andproceeded to the town, where we were treated with true hospitality. Onthe following day we dropped down to Valada, where, on the 28th, weembarked in a large boat, and after spending a rather uncomfortablenight, landed at day-break next morning, at the Black Horse Square inLisbon.
On the 2nd of December, thousands of hand-bills were circulated inLisbon, intimating that at one o'clock on the following day, a Britishofficer, accoutred in cork-boots, would walk across the Tagus, fromFort Belem, to the nearest point of land on the opposite shore.Conceiving this to be the project of some hair-brained or unfortunateindividual, who, tired of life, was about to solicit the assistance ofold Neptune to carry him into another world, I walked down to Belemto view the sports of the day. By eleven o'clock, the various streetsleading from the city to Belem, were literally[Pg 104] crammed with peopleof all nations and conditions, from the peer to the peasant, hurryingalong to the starting-post, some on foot, and the rest on every kindof conveyance, from the humble donkey, to the carriage-and-four. Beingadmitted into Belem Fort, I had a fine view of almost every person,place, and thing in the vicinity. The Fort was filled to an overflowwith officers and ladies. Belem Castle was crowded with Portuguesenobility and gentry, and the whole space around, and between thesetwo places, was completely covered with carriages, equestrians, andpedestrians. Of the former, I at one time counted four hundred andfifty. The river, for a considerable distance around the spot whencethe hero was to start, was covered with hundreds of boats, carryingimmense numbers of ladies and gentlemen, a great proportion of thelatter wearing the naval and military uniforms of Old England. Six,eight, and even ten dollars were given for the hire of a boat fromLisbon, on this occasion—the ordinary fare of which was only about twoshillings.
As the hour of one was announced by the bell of an adjoining clock,the dense masses on shore pushed and jolted each other so much, inorder to get a peep at the cork accoutred hero before he set out on hisperilous excursion, that the company of Portuguese militia stationedto preserve an opening for the officer to get to the river, kept theirground with great difficulty. Soon after one, a[Pg 105] voice announced thehero's approach, but the intimation was premature. Two o'clock waschimed, still he was absent. Three o'clock was at length tolled, but hewas not forthcoming. Not long after this, the people, whose appetiteswere getting a little keen, whetted, no doubt, by the fresh breeze fromthe Tagus, began to steal slily away, and by four o'clock the greaterproportion of the immense multitude, between forty and fifty thousand,had retired to their respective domiciles, fully satisfied that theyhad been completely hoaxed, and vowing vengeance on the British officerand his cork-boots.
Having received a letter of recal from my commanding-officer, I partedwith my friends of the second battalion on the evening of the 4th,and early next morning embarked at Belem, with a detachment whichhad just landed from England, and after spending an uncomfortablenight, we landed at Valada next day at noon. On the 7th we marchedto Santarem—on the 8th to Gallegao—9th to Punhete—the 10th toAbrantes, where we halted the 11th and 12th. On the 13th we proceededto Gavao—the 14th to Gaffeta—and on the following morning bade ourcompanions in Portalegre all hail.
[Pg 106]
CHAPTER VII.
The well picked bones of a Christmas goose had scarcely been removedfrom our mess-table, when an orderly entered, and announced theunwelcome intelligence that our attendance was required at thealarm-post next morning before day-break,—and worst of all, in lightmarching order. Had this personage been the bearer of a warrant for theexecution of the whole party, our countenances could not have presenteda more rueful appearance. We could have wished the evil day put offfor twenty-four hours, but as any memorial to that effect would onlyhave been productive of further disappointment, we at once resolved tomake a virtue of necessity, and accordingly retired to our respectivequarters, and made the necessary preparations for another excursioninto Spain.
A little before sun-rise on the 26th December, the whole of the troopsquartered in Portalegre bade a temporary adieu to that friendly town,and[Pg 107] in the evening our brigade occupied Codeceira. Next day we movedto Albuquerque, and on the 28th quitted that city for Merida. Twoleagues from the former we passed to the right of the Castle of Zagala,beautifully situated on the summit of a hill, from which there is adelightful view of the surrounding country. Three leagues farther wepassed through the miserable village of La Rocka, and on the westernslope of an eminence, a few hundred yards in front of it, we went intobivouac. General Dombrousky being in possession of Merida, with a mixedforce of 1500 men, General Hill requested commanding-officers of corpsto have their fires as much under the hill as possible, in order tofavour the design he then meditated of taking the Pole napping. Theobject, though not expressed, was so obvious to every one, that theorder was readily and most cheerfully obeyed.
Next morning at day-break we quitted our bivouac, and under cover ofa dense fog, moved towards the point of attraction. General Hill notbeing aware that the enemy had, the previous evening, pushed forwarda party of 150 cavalry, and 300 infantry, to the village of La Nava,about half-way between our bivouac and Merida, the cavalry, underGeneral Long, were permitted to precede the infantry some miles. Thismovement turned out unfortunately; for General Long being also inignorance of the proximity of this body to[Pg 108] his own, came bump uponone of the enemy's videttes close to La Nava, and made him prisoner,but not till by discharging his carabine he had made his friends awareof the danger that threatened them. The density of the fog at the timerendering it impossible for either party to ascertain the other's realnumerical strength, the French troops rushed to arms, and in a fewminutes were formed ready for action, on an eminence in rear of thevillage; but the British cavalry halted so long, that before GeneralLong finally resolved to attack, the favourable moment hadfled—never to return.
The fog soon after this first collision began to disperse, whichenabled our advanced guard to get a peep of their opponents. Continuingto clear away, General Long was at length enabled to draw near tothe enemy without any fear of being surprised. Although formed insquare, the General resolved to attack, and if possible compel themto surrender; but the little band of French infantry received hischarge with firmness, and finally beat him off. This success gave theenemy some idea of their own strength, for they instantly commenceda retrograde movement towards Merida, fully convinced, no doubt,that they could effect their escape, should no other opponents takepart in the deadly feud. Charge succeeded charge,—but from each ourcavalry were forced to retire with loss, and without making the leastimpression on the little column. These repeated assaults proving[Pg 109]ruinous to us, the dragoons were ordered to hang on the flanks of theretiring foe, and take advantage of any opening that might occur,either from the inequality of the ground over which he had to retire,or the fire of two pieces of artillery, which latterly joined in thepursuit. Accordingly, a gap no sooner appeared, than our cavalryinstantly prepared to renew the assault; but before any advantagecould be taken of it, some other brave spirits had stepped forwardand filled it up. Not one of the enemy's infantry ever once appearedto shrink from the terrible conflict; on the contrary, the wholeparty, individually and collectively, exhibited throughout the actiona degree of coolness and firmness which none but the truly brave canpossess in the hour of danger. In the manner now described the partiestraversed several miles, till the French being reinforced from Merida,our cavalry gave over the pursuit, more than satisfied that a body ofwell-disciplined infantry, when under the guidance of an officer ofcourage, experience, and prudence, has nothing to fear from a body ofcavalry of double their numerical strength. In the evening our corpsclosed up, and bivouacked in front of La Nava, and next morning movedforward to Merida, which the enemy had precipitately evacuated duringthe night, leaving behind them a considerable quantity of corn.
The conduct of the French captain and his little[Pg 110] band at La Nava,affords to all officers and soldiers one of the noblest examples forimitation on record. It is when placed in situations such as this, thatthe prudence of an officer, and the courage of himself and soldiers, isput to the severest trial. It is on occasions of a similar kind thatthe soldier who combats for honour and glory, possesses such decidedadvantages over him whose mercenary propensities lead him to look uponhonour and military renown as secondary objects. Bear this then inremembrance, my brave fellow-countrymen, that it is when duty calls youto defend a post against great numerical superiority, that your courageis put to the severest trial; but never forget, that it is also onthose occasions you may expect to reap the richest harvest of militaryrenown.
When honour does the soldier call
To some unequal fight,
Resolved to conquer or to fall,
Before his general's sight.
Advanced—the happy hero lives,
Or, if ill-fate denies,
The noble rashness heaven forgives,
And gloriously he dies.
The 31st was a day of rest; but at day-break on the 1st of January1812, the whole corps crossed the Guadiana, and moved towardsAlmendralejo, where we expected our arrival would be announced by aroyal salute from the field artillery of the Count D'Erlon. For aleague and a-half our[Pg 111] route led us over a very barren heath, thenacross a large, rich, but partially cultivated plain. As the roadbetween these two places rises with a gentle acclivity for at leastfive miles from the banks of the river, the leading battalions enjoyeda delightful view of the long and party-coloured columns, as theywinded along the heath towards their destination; and I have no doubtbut the spectacle would have appeared still more gratifying, could wehave banished from our recollection the object of our movement—thedestruction of our fellow-creatures. But notwithstanding this, shallI say, almost only draw-back to a military life, we enjoyed theinteresting scene while it lasted; and when deprived of that, we joggedalong the plain as cheerily and merrily, as the fatiguing nature ofthe march would permit us, till our proximity to the enemy told us toprepare for battle.
It was now one o'clock, and a dense fog so enveloped every surroundingobject, that it was quite impossible to discover any thing beyonda few paces from where we stood. As this unfavourable state of theatmosphere prevented General Hill from ascertaining whether the enemyheld possession of Almendralejo, with FIVE hundred,or twice as many thousands; the cavalry, a few pieces of artillery,and the 1st brigade, moved towards the town in order of battle. We hadnot proceeded far, when the cavalry came into contact with the Frenchpiquets, which were instantly attacked and[Pg 112] driven in. To be preparedfor whatever might occur, the rear brigades quickly moved up on ourleft, and occupied the stations assigned them. When the first collisiontook place, the French troops in Almendralejo were busily engaged inpreparing their dinners, and consequently had their thoughts rivettedon something more palatable than either gun-powder, bullets, orbayonets. Part of them instantly moved to the support of the piquets,and the remainder retreated to a rising ground in rear of the town. Theformer, on receiving a few shots from our artillery, wheeled also tothe right about, and in a few minutes were alongside of their friends.On the re-union of the two bodies, the whole retired towards a heighta considerable distance from the town, over which runs the roads toVilla-Franca, and Fuente-del-Maestre. Our light troops pursued thefugitives closely, skirmishing with them all the way, and we followed,in hopes that the Count would make his appearance at the head of hiscorps, ready to receive us. In this, however, we were disappointed, foron the fog clearing away, we were sorry to find that he had withdrawnto Zafra with the main body, leaving behind him a strong rear-guardonly to cover his retreat.
As the fog died away, the rain which began to fall about one o'clock,continued to increase in violence, till about three, when one wouldactually have supposed that it was falling from buckets.[Pg 113] Under thesecirc*mstances, night approaching, and there being no chance of bringingthe enemy to close quarter, General Hill gave orders for strong piquetsto be posted on all the roads around Almendralejo, and the rest ofthe troops to march into the town—which were obeyed with the greatercheerfulness, that not one of them had a dry jacket or shirt on theirbacks.
On taking possession of the quarters allotted to another officer andmyself, the poor people instantly pointed to the dinners of sevenFrenchmen, which in their hurry, they had found it necessary to leavebehind in a stew-pan by the fire. Preferring, however, a little tea,to a mess of beef, pork, beans, garlic, and oil, we desired the familyto make use of it themselves. Permission was no sooner granted, thanthe contents of the stew-pan was emptied into a large stone bason,into which, sixty fingers and thumbs were instantly plunged, andthen, grasping a piece of the delicious morsel, carried to the mouth,streaming with grease, like as many candles receiving a polishing touchat the hands of their maker. The scene was a laughable one, but veryshort, for in two or three minutes not a vestige of any part of thedinner was visible.
The enemy shewing a reluctance to retire from Villa-Franca andFuente-del-Maestre, two detachments were despatched from Almendralejoon the 3rd of January to dislodge them. The one which moved againstVilla-Franca, consisted of the 9th[Pg 114] and 13th light dragoons, twopieces of artillery, the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, and 60thrifle company, and was commanded by Major-General Howard. The otherwhich was under the command of the Honourable Lieutenant-ColonelAbercromby, 28th regiment, was composed of the 2nd hussars, king'sGerman legion, the 4th and 10th Portuguese cavalry, and 28th Britishregiment of infantry. Both detachments moved from Almendralejo, attwelve o'clock. On a height about half way between the latter placeand Villa-Franca, we first obtained a view of the enemy, drawn up on acommanding piece of ground, a few hundred yards from the town, on theroad to Los-Santos. Soon after this, the detachment was formed into twocolumns, the right composed of the 92nd regiment, 60th rifle company,and one piece of artillery, was placed under Colonel Cameron; and theleft, which consisted of the remainder of the detachment, was led byMajor-General Howard in person. The left column moved direct upon thetown, in order to attack their right flank and centre, while the rightwas to co-operate with the right battalion of the left column, in itsassault on the centre, if it could not throw itself in rear of the leftwing. The enemy not only appeared prepared for a visit from us, but forsome time gave most unequivocal indications that they would pepper uswell before they retired. Indeed so satisfied were we all of this, thatwe looked forward to a tight little affair[Pg 115] with them. But appearanceson this, as on many former occasions, proved deceitful;—for just as wehad approached that point from which we intended to apply those means,by which British soldiers are accustomed to remove every obstacle whichattempts to arrest their progress, the French chief considering itimprudent to stake the fate of his little corps on the issue of a brushwith us, faced about, and walked off towards Los-Santos, pursued by ourcavalry.
Lest the enemy should attempt to pay us home in the coin ofArroyo-del-Molinos, piquets composed of whole companies were postedon every road branching from Villa-Franca. The rest were thrown intothe town, with orders to remain accoutred, to be ready to turn outat a moment's warning, and to be on the alarm-post two hours beforeday-break. From nine o'clock in the evening, till seven o'clock on thefollowing morning, rain and hail fell in such prodigious quantities,and was forced to the earth with such violence by the wind, which blewa perfect hurricane, that all those who were on piquet, joined theirbattalions in the morning in a most deplorable condition. One of theofficers in particular, was to all appearance a perfect maniac. Twohours before day-light, we who were in Villa-Franca proceeded to thealarm-post, where, in ten minutes, we were as thoroughly drenched as ifwe had just emerged from a six months ablution in the Bay of Biscay.[Pg 116]Never before did I witness such a tempest. After a four hours exposureto its utmost fury, we departed from Villa-Franca, and returned toAlmendralejo.
The detachment under Colonel Abercromby was more successful in killingand maiming than we were. On the road to Fuente-del-Maestre, a Frenchregiment of cavalry crossed the path of the detachment. On comingin sight of the enemy, the 2nd German dragoons flew at them like asmany bull-dogs, and being supported by the Portuguese, the enemy wasdefeated with the loss of twenty killed and wounded, and thirty-onetaken prisoners. Our loss was trifling. This detachment also rejoinedthe main body on the 4th, and the whole retraced their steps to Meridaon the following day.
None but those who were present can have any idea of the fatigue whichthe soldiers endured from the 1st to 5th January, from the wretchedstate of the roads from Merida to Villa-Franca. On returning to Merida,they had more the appearance of troops that had been six months undercanvass, than men returning to cantonments after a ten day's campaign.On the marches of the 1st, 3rd, 4th and 5th, a great many of thesoldiers sunk deep into clay of such an adhesive quality, that inextricating themselves from its grasp, many of them tore their gaitersto pieces, and some of them actually left their shoes behind them, andtrudged[Pg 117] along in their stockings. On these occasions I seldom had lessthan four pounds of clay at my feet, which fatigued me so much, thaton retiring to rest each night, I dropped asleep without the aid ofany stimulant. Such then being my situation, who had neither musket,knapsack, canteen, or haversack to carry, what must the soldiershave suffered who had to march encumbered with all these, weighingaltogether nearly three stone?
To those who are eternally croaking about the half-pay and pensions ofthose officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, who served inthe late war, I wish no greater punishment than to be made to serve butone short campaign in a country where hardships and dangers, similar tothose the British troops encountered in Spain, may stare them in theface at every step, and where their only comforts, when summed up, may,as in the Peninsula, consist of a daily allowance of one pound of toughbeef, and a similar quantity of hard biscuit; being well convincedthat on their return to their native land, they will have tasted sofreely of the sweets of a soldier's life, when engaged in the activeoperations of the field, that they will be prepared to convert theirhoarse murmurs of disapprobation of the half-pay and pension-list, intoa sweet-sounding and rapturous applause.
In the suite of General Hill, on the 1st of January, moved the Marquisof Alemeida, a Spanish nobleman, between fifty and sixty years ofa*ge.[Pg 118] Having suffered severely from French rapacity, the Marquis, asmay be supposed, was one of their bitterest enemies. Being a warmadmirer of the British character, he not only accompanied us in allour wanderings, but laid aside his native habit, and assumedthe scarlet, in humble imitation of his friend, our worthyGeneral. In addition to a long scarlet coat, the Marquis generally worea co*cked-hat, always decorated with one, sometimes with two, and notunfrequently with three long red and white feathers danglingto his shoulders, in as many different directions. His appearancealtogether was rather odd, but the singularity of his costume soonceased to attract notice, and in a little time he became a considerablefavourite with all classes.
On arriving in front of the enemy's piquets, the Marquis had no ideathat he was so close upon the enemy, until the unexpected intelligencewas announced to him by one—two—three from our artillery, a few yardsin front. Neither the worthy nobleman or his horse being prepared toaccede to this mode of conversing with the plunderers of his estates,the former stared, and the latter reared and plunged, as if anxiousto get quit of its burden, fancying, no doubt, that the Marquis wasthe sole cause of his being in such noisy company. On the third gunbeing fired, the Marquis, with a countenance which at once denoted thefervour of his prayer, exclaimed,—"Oh, Jesus, Maria, Jose!" and thencasting a glance[Pg 119] towards those around him, as much as to say, "I amoff," put spurs to his willing nag, which being as anxious to get outof the scrape as its master, flew like lightning in the direction whichit was supposed the Marquis wished him, and in a twinkling both werelost to our view in the fog.
A private soldier of the 28th regiment having sipped rather freely ofthe juice of the grape, previous to our departure from Almendralejo onthe 5th of January, fell out of the ranks unperceived, laid himselfdown to banish all traces of the copious draught, and enjoyed his napso comfortably, that night's sable shroud had shut every earthly objectfrom the view of man before he awoke. Alone, enveloped in darkness, andin a part of the country totally uninhabited, the poor lad frequentlyfancied during the stillness of the night, that he saw his name as adeserter to the enemy, handed in to the Adjutant-General—the membersof the court-martial assembling to try him—the sentence of deathpassed, and the provost-marshal at the head of his party, ready tocarry the sentence into execution. With such thoughts as these dartingacross his mind, the victim of dissipation rose from his cold andcheerless couch at dawn, on the 6th, and bended his steps towardsMerida. Afraid to join his corps, however, the bragge slasherproceeded to a small village about three miles from head-quarterson the opposite bank of the Guadiana, in hopes[Pg 120] that some humaneindividual would intercede for him at head-quarters.
Receiving information soon after his arrival that there were two Frenchsoldiers concealed in the village, the worshipper of Bacchus proceededwith a few of the natives to their residence, and after securing them,and fastening their hands, he marched them off in triumph for Merida.Strolling on the bridge with a few friends, when the trio were firstobserved, and considering it rather an odd circ*mstance to see aBritish soldier marching two Frenchmen as prisoners from the left bankof the Guadiana, where there were no British soldiers then quartered,we inquired at the worthy Hibernian where he became possessed of thefriends in his company? Shewing some disinclination to satisfy ourcuriosity, we repeated our query in a more peremptory manner. We hadscarcely done so, however, when we perceived the poor man strugglinghard to give utterance to his inward thoughts, but notwithstandinghis utmost exertions, he could not utter a syllable, till his heartwas relieved by a few pearly drops trickling over his weather-beatencheeks. On these drying up, the repentant soldier related to us theforegoing particulars, and then with a palpitating heart, (the visionof the previous night being still before his eyes,) he moved into townwith his prisoners. He was of course placed in confinement, and but forthis singular adventure,[Pg 121] would have paid dearly for his libations toBacchus at Almendralejo.
If the various members of the British army would reflect for a momenton the consequences which but too generally follow in the train ofdissipation, before seating themselves to taste the pleasing, butintoxicating beverage, numerous crimes which now stain the pages of thecharacter-books of every regiment in the service, would never be heardof. The conduct of the Macedonian conqueror on various occasions, shewsus to what a degrading condition this most detestable vice sometimesreduces the most celebrated individuals, and his death furnishes amemorable example, that dissipation hurries all its votaries to thenarrow house, without any regard to age or station in society. Onlaunching into the world, therefore, all military men should ever beon their guard against the assaults of dissipation, for by dippingdeep into the cup of intemperance, they will not only destroy theirmental faculties, ruin their pecuniary resources, as well as theirconstitutions, but may at length be led to commit crimes, for which,like Alexander on the death of cl*tus, they may be made to sufferall the horrors which a conscience, burdened with the murder of afellow-creature, and that individual a bosom friend, can inflict uponthem.
[Pg 122]
CHAPTER VIII.
Sir Rowland Hill having received an order early in the morning of the12th of January, to retrace his steps to Portalegre, we marched fromMerida at nine o'clock, A.M. and in the afternoon bivouackedbehind La-Nava. Next evening we reposed on the bank of a little river,under the castle of Zagala, and on the 14th returned to Albuquerque.We retired to Alegreta on the 16th, and to Portalegre on the 17th. Onthe succeeding day, the men were busily employed in renewing theirstock of clean linen; and on the 19th, we moved to Alpalhao, on ourway to the North, to tender Lord Wellington our assistance, shouldhis lordship require it. We reached Niza on the 20th, where, onthe following morning, we received the glad tidings of the fall ofCiudad-Rodrigo. As Marmont, however, still shewed a disposition to givebattle, we advanced from Niza to the Tagus on the 25th, crossed thatriver by a bridge of boats at Villa-Velha, and then moved two leaguesfarther, and[Pg 123] occupied a few miserable villages. Next day we enteredCastello-Branco, where we had the pleasure of meeting with the Frenchgarrison of Ciudad-Rodrigo, on their way to British transports.
Marmont having withdrawn his army to Salamanca, to wait an opportunityof resuming the offensive, when his chances of success should appearmore inviting, we bade adieu to Castello-Branco on the 1st of February,and retraced our steps as far as Villa-Velha, where we bivouacked. Onthe 2nd, we occupied Niza, the 3rd Alpalhao, and re-entered Portalegrethe following morning.
The siege of Ciudad-Rodrigo, forms one of the most gloriousachievements of the late Peninsular war, and marks in an eminent degreethe consummate military talent of the General who brought it to asuccessful conclusion.
The Marshals Marmont, Soult, and Suchet, viewing the inactivity of theallied army in the latter months of 1811, as something tantamount toan acknowledgment on the part of the British chief, that he was not ina condition to undertake any offensive movement of importance, formeda triple league, by which Marmont appears to have agreed to favour hisbrother Marshals with a few of his brigades during the winter months,on condition of receiving a similar favour from them in thefollowing summer. Marmont's reinforcements quitted the banks of theTormes and Tagus in the end of November and beginning of December1811,[Pg 124] and moved towards the seat of war in the east and south ofSpain. On the approach of their friends, Soult laid siege to Tariffa,and Suchet to Valencia.
Having instantly discovered the deep game which his powerful opponentswere playing, Lord Wellington took measures to render it a losingone. With the eye of the eagle, he watched their every movement, butnever attempted to derange their plans, or arrest the progress of thebrigades, till the latter had arrived at a point so distant, thatthey could not return to the banks of the Agweda in time to preventhis Lordship carrying into execution his designs upon Ciudad-Rodrigo.But on Marmont's troops arriving at that point, instructions wereimmediately transmitted to Sir Rowland Hill, to carry into executionthe first part of those admirably planned operations, which terminatedin the capture of that important military post.
No better proof can be adduced of the ability with which the whole ofthese operations were planned and executed, than the signal advantageswhich resulted from them to the common cause. Sir Rowland Hill's grandobject in marching upon Merida, being to draw the attention of theenemy to a point far distant from that to be assailed, his movementwas attended with all the success which could have been anticipated,The Count D'Erlon no sooner heard of our arrival on the banks of theGuadiana, than he withdrew precipitately from Almendralejo,[Pg 125] and fora day or two after, dispatched a courier to Soult every two hours,soliciting immediate assistance, otherwise he would be inevitablydevoured by the "Arroyo-del-Molinos devils," who were in closepursuit of him. Being totally ignorant as to the number of "devils"that were following his friend D'Erlon, Soult, on receiving a few ofthese applications for succour, transmitted instructions to GeneralLaval, commanding before Tariffa, to raise the siege of that place, andat the expence of all his battering-train, &c. fly with all possiblecelerity to the Count's relief, which instructions were implicitlyobeyed. From these proceedings of the enemy in Andalusia, and thesubsequent tardy movements of Marmont on the side of Ciudad-Rodrigo, itappears quite evident that the eyes of the two were rivetted too longupon our movements, for before they recovered from the panic which ourmarch created amongst them, they thus allowed the British flag proudlyto wave over the turrets of Ciudad-Rodrigo.
With all deference to the experience and high military characters ofthe three Marshals, it seems evident that their plan of operations wasbased on a capital military error,—that of under-rating the strengthof their opponent. By adopting this view of Lord Wellington's forces,Marmont denuded himself of the means of affording the necessaryprotection to that portion of the Spanish territory which his ImperialMaster had placed[Pg 126] under his charge, and as a natural consequence ofsuch conduct, lost possession of Ciudad-Rodrigo. Soult, on the otherhand, committed another error, little inferior in magnitude to the onejust mentioned, that of over-rating the force under General Hill. Bydoing so, Soult not only raised the siege of Tariffa in a disgracefulmanner, but allowed his attention to be completely abstracted from thatpoint towards which the eyes of every Frenchman in the Peninsula shouldhave been directed. These facts, I conceive, shew us the folly of anygeneral either under-rating or over-rating the numbers, courage, ordiscipline of an opponent's forces. For although I most readily admitthat it may be a little difficult at times for a general to banish fromhis breast the timidity of a Druet, who exaggerated the danger thatthreatened him, or the temerity of a Marmont, who as much underratedthem; yet I am quite satisfied, that unless a general's experience andknowledge of his duties are such as will enable him to steer clear oftimidity on the one hand, and temerity on the other, he should be heldincapable of conducting any field operation, if the result is expectedto have any influence on the issue of the campaign.
On passing a church one morning during our residence in Portalegre,a melancholy sound struck my ear,—it was a funeral dirge. In a fewminutes the mournful procession entered the portal of the church, andbeing anxious to observe the[Pg 127] ceremony, I followed. Around the bierstood an assemblage of priests and friars, who for a considerabletime chaunted hymns for the soul of the deceased. At the conclusionof the service I stepped forward to view the coffin, and the pieceof inanimate clay it contained. The coffin being open, I beheld afemale figure laid out in the usual manner, with her face uncovered,and decorated in a rich muslin dress. The countenance, though then inruins, exhibited marks of beauty. The junior priests having removed thecorpse to a grave dug for its reception in the body of the church, thebottom of the coffin was withdrawn, when the body descended into itsplace of repose, in a manner the most revolting I ever witnessed. Butdistressing to the feelings as was this disgusting mode of depositingthe body of a fellow-creature in the silent tomb, the subsequentoperations of the sexton was ten times more so. The latter, aftersprinkling a little mould over the body, instantly began to pound itwith a log of wood, resembling a paviour's mallet, and continued to doso, after every additional layer of earth, till the whole of the latterhad been so far replaced in its original position, as to permit theflag which surmounted the grave to be laid on a level with those aroundit. During the latter part of the ceremony I remained close to thegrave, gazing in silent astonishment at the scene before me. At length,however, I was roused from my reverie, by a most offensive[Pg 128] effluviaproceeding from the depository of the deceased. I did not, however, forsome time, desert the post which I had assigned to myself; but being atlength completely overcome, I made the best of my way towards the door,lest the exertions of the grave-digger might impose on his superiorsthe disagreeable duty of bearing me to my lodgings.
There being no places of public amusem*nt in Portalegre, time, longbefore the end of February, had become such a drug on our hands, thatthe collective wisdom of the garrison was frequently reduced to itslast shift to devise a rational mode of employing it. Our walks beingfew, and miserably bad, and having no books "save the devil's," byscanning the pages of which we could hope to spend a few hours each daywith pleasure and advantage, not a few of the idlers paid more visitsto a place denominated hell, than were at all profitable eitherfor their purses or their morals. When officers are once induced togive up their time to play, and employ all the powers of their mind togratify the low, grovelling ambition of acquiring wealth at the expenseof those whom they consider their friends and brothers;—when thelove of play leads officers to prefer the amusem*nts of the card andbilliard-tables, and the rattling of dice, to the faithful discharge oftheir public and private duties; when they become so wedded to theirfavourite pursuits, as to consider it a punishment to eat,[Pg 129] drink, andsleep, they must be held as totally useless to the service,—to beworthless members of society,—the slaves of vice,—and of that lowcunning and chicanery which borders upon villany.
Accursed game! thy blight is every-where,
Thy lawless fingers pilfer every purse;
The smart mechanic, and the pamper'd peer,
Endure alike the pressure of thy curse.
When hopeless ruin hath dissolv'd thy snare,
The pistol or the bowl are things of course;
And few can from thy gripping fangs depart
Without a blighted name or broken heart.
[Pg 130]
CHAPTER IX.
Lord Wellington having finally resolved upon the siege of Badajoz, theadvanced guard approached our cantonments on the 2nd of March. Nextday we moved forward to Alegreta, and on the 4th to Albuquerque. Herewe remained until every preparation was made which our Generalissimoconsidered necessary to ensure the success of the enterprise.
On the 16th of March we bade a final adieu to Albuquerque, and with theexception of one Portuguese brigade, the whole of Sir Rowland Hill'scorps moved upon Merida. That evening we bivouacked near Zagala, nextafternoon at La Nava, and on the 17th we entered Merida.
Sir Rowland Hill finding Merida in possession of a few of the enemy'sdragoons, and that the latter were supported by a battalion ofinfantry, encamped about a mile from the town, on the opposite bank ofthe Guadiana, gave orders to General Long to cross the river a littlebelow the bridge,[Pg 131] with his brigade of cavalry, in order to capturethose of the enemy in Merida, and keep the infantry from retreating tooquickly, till we could get up to them. On the first alarm, however,the French cavalry fled from Merida, some by the bridge, others by aford a little above it. The former, by discharging their carabines onthe bridge, gave their friends in the wood intimation of their danger.As no time was now to be lost, the 1st brigade, 50th, 71st, and 92ndregiments, moved towards the town at a trot. In a few minutes we wereon the bridge, and a few more carried us across it. Here we halteda minute, and then renewed the pursuit with renovated strength; butnotwithstanding all our efforts, and those of our mounted friends, tobring them to action, the enemy retreated at such a goodly pace, thatfast as our brigade ran, the fugitives always continued to run faster.Success at length appearing hopeless, and our men being completelyblown, we gave over the pursuit, and retraced our steps to Merida,carrying with us a few prisoners, whose joints being less supple thantheir more fortunate friends, were obliged to fall behind, and wereconsequently taken.
Sir Thomas Graham crossed the Guadiana on the 16th, at the head of theright wing of the covering army, consisting of the greater part of thecavalry, the 1st, 6th, and 7th divisions of infantry, and then directedhis march upon Santa Martha, Zafra, and Llerena. On Sir Thomas' arrivalat[Pg 132] the latter, the right wing of the covering army rested on theheights on the south of Llerena, and the left on the Guadiana at DonBoneto.
Lord Wellington also crossed the Guadiana on the 16th, invested Badajozthe same evening, and broke ground before the fortress on "StPatrick's day."
At day-break on the 18th, Sir Rowland Hill's corps crossed the Guadianaat Merida, advanced to Almendralejo, and retraced their steps onthe 21st. In the afternoon of the 26th, we again crossed the river,moved up its left bank to La Zarza, and next morning still fartherto Quarena. On the 28th, the cavalry, one brigade of artillery, andthe 1st brigade of infantry, advanced to Medellin and Don Beneto.On the march the detachment was formed into two columns, the leftconsisting of the 92nd regiment, and two pieces of artillery, movedagainst Medellin; and the right column, commanded by General Howard,and composed of the cavalry, 50th and 71st regiments, one company 60thrifle corps, and remaining pieces of artillery, against Don Beneto.Medellin was occupied about sun-set without opposition. Informed thatthe enemy had retired from Don Beneto, General Howard, on arrivingclose to the village, dispatched Captain Blacier with his rifles intothe town, to see that none of the enemy lurked in it, and to obtain aninterview with the chief magistrate regarding quarters. The gallantCaptain was plodding his way[Pg 133] through the streets, thinking on thegood things of this world, when all at once his thoughts were rivettedon the things of the world to come. Unconscious of their contiguityto the British, a French cavalry patrol had entered the village on areconnoitring excursion, and like my friend the Captain, were thinkingof every thing but what was before them. Each party was thereforemoving along in conscious security, when, on turning the corner of astreet, they unexpectedly met. With eyes looking amazement, they gazedat each other for a few moments, and then proceeded in the usual mannerto extricate themselves from the dilemma into which false intelligencehad led both parties. A pretty little skirmish ensued, in which theballs of the rifles made a suitable return for the favours showeredupon their heads by the Gallic sabres. After a few mortal wounds hadbeen given and received, the enemy, suspecting they had got into thewrong-box, wheeled to the right-about, retired rather precipitately,and left the gallant Captain in possession of the well-won honours ofthe street.
Medellin is built along the base of a lonely hill, on the leftbank of, and close to the Guadiana. On the summit of the little conicalmount, stands a castle, better calculated to repel the assault of apop-gun, than a twenty-four pounder. On our arrival, we threw a strongpiquet into it, which was followed by the whole battalion two hoursbefore[Pg 134] day-break next morning. On ascending the eminence, the air wasdisagreeably cold, but the scene which opened to our view at sun-rise,soon banished past miseries into the shades of forgetfulness.
Twelve miles to the west lay before us the memorable plains andsurrounding hills of Arroyo-del-Molinos, where hundreds of Gerard'sfollowers breathed their farewell sigh on the 28th of October 1811.From the ramparts of Badajoz, the continual rolling of Phillipon'sthunder, reminded us every minute that the work of mutual destructionwas proceeding with unabated violence. A few miles to the east we had amost commanding and beautiful view of the memorable field of Medellin,where Victor and Cuesta contended for victory in 1810, and where,before the close of that memorable day, victory perched on the standardof Victor, which on that fatal evening soared over the inanimate formsof thousands of warriors, who ever since have soundly slept on theplains of Medellin.
There shall they rest—ambition's honour'd fools,
Yes, honour decks the turf that wraps their clay.
Vain sophistry! in these behold the tools—
The broken tools that Tyrants cast away
By myriads, when they dare to pave their way
With human hearts—to what? a dream alone.
Can despots compass aught that hails their sway?
Or call with truth one span of earth their own,
Save that wherein at last they crumble bone by bone.
[Pg 135]
The troops in Medellin rejoined their friends in Don Benito on the29th, and on the 31st, the whole retreated to Quarena. On the 1st ofApril, we retraced our steps to La Zarza, and next morning to Merida.Sir Thomas Graham being under the necessity of withdrawing his troopsfrom Llerena, retired slowly towards Albuera, where it was generallyunderstood the covering army was to assemble. On the afternoon of the5th, we again crossed the Guadiana, marched to St Servan, and on the6th, to a small eminence near the village of Lobon.
Aware that the capture of Badajoz was to be attempted that night, themost intense anxiety pervaded our encampment, for the issue of theterrific conflict. Throughout every corner of our gloomy bivouac, theopinion of almost every individual seemed to be, that our friendswould not be able to surmount the numerous obstacles which thebesieged had provided to obstruct the passage of the besiegers into theplace by the practicable breaches. It was therefore with feelings whichI shall not attempt to describe, that we waited the commencement ofthe struggle in which our companions were about to engage, in order torescue a suffering people from the iron grasp of a hateful and grindingtyranny.
On the signal being given, the various columns moved forward tothe points of attack with extraordinary spirit, but the whole wereultimately beat back with considerable loss. Again they attempted[Pg 136] toforce a passage into the body of the place, but with no better success.Again and again the intrepid assailants mounted the breaches—renewedthe sanguinary conflict with renovated courage, and at these points,maintained the murderous conflict, till the ditches were literallyfilled with dead, dying and wounded, piled above each other in oneundistinguished mass. The scene at length became one of horror; numbersevery moment breathed their last, while the heart-rending cries of thewounded in the ditches, intimated to their more fortunate companions,that if they were not soon removed from their dreadful situation, deathby suffocation would be their inevitable fate. Appalling as this stateof affairs was, yet none seemed inclined to yield till victory shouldentitle them to decorate their brows with the wreath of the conqueror.All therefore being alike determined to perish rather than yield, itwas with no small reluctance that they ultimately obeyed an order ofrecal to prepare for another and final effort to wrest the place fromthe enemy. This effort, however, was not required, for General Pictonhaving rather unexpectedly obtained a footing within the castle,General Philippon, the governor, on perceiving the fruits of his ownfolly, in leaving this part of the fortress without a sufficientbody of troops to defend it, retired into Fort St Christoval, and atday-break on the 7th, surrendered himself and garrison prisoners ofwar.
[Pg 137]
The loss of the enemy during the siege, was 1200 killed and wounded,and 4000 prisoners; ours amounted to 3860 British, and 1010 Portuguesekilled and wounded.
Early on the 7th, Sir Rowland Hill moved from Lobon, to a field onthe left bank of the Albuera, a short distance from Talavera-la-Real.Marshal Marmont having dispatched a small body of infantry to theassistance of his friend Soult, Lord Wellington gave orders for twoarches of the beautiful bridge of Merida to be destroyed, that theirjunction with the army of Soult might be retarded to the latestpossible period.
Marshal Soult who had arrived in the vicinity of Zafra, Los-Santos,&c. on his way to the relief of Badajoz, became perfectly franticwhen he received the first intelligence of the fall of that importantfortress. Being seated at breakfast when the unlooked for and unwelcomeintelligence reached him, the gallant Marshal raised his foot, andafter wishing all the "Leopards at the bottom of the sea,"dispatched the breakfast table to the opposite side of the apartment,and made the china, under which it groaned, fly into a thousand pieces.
As soon as this unseemly fit of passion had subsided, Soult gave ordersfor his followers to wheel to the right-about, and retrace theirsteps into Andalusia. On being informed of the Marshal's intentions,Sir Stapleton Cotton was ordered to harass the enemy's rear with theallied cavalry.[Pg 138] Coming up with a strong body of their dragoons nearVilla-Garcia, a sharp conflict ensued, which terminated in the defeatof the French, with a loss of 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners.
On the 10th, the Northern army set out on its return to the banksof the Agueda, to keep Marshal Marmont in order; and we advanced toAlmendralejo, to look after Druet,—the Count D'Erlon.
Strolling at a short distance from our bivouac, in company with twofriends, on the 6th of April, we perceived a Spanish peasant reposingunder the cooling shade of a large tree. After a few preliminaryquestions, we inquired whence he came, and his business in the vicinityof our camp. To these interrogatories he unhesitatingly replied, thathe was an inhabitant of a mountain village, twenty miles distant,and that his only object was to kill as many Frenchmen as he could,after, not in, the great battle which he imagined hadbecome inevitable, from the proximity of the army of Soult to ours.And to prove that such was his intention, he pulled a tremendous knifefrom his side-pocket, with which he assured us, he sent elevenFrenchmen to sleep with their fathers on the morning subsequentto the battle of Albuera. On upbraiding him for his cruelty, andinquiring how he could perpetrate such cold-blooded atrocities, hevery coolly replied, that it was the duty of every loyal Spaniard likehimself, to send as many Frenchmen[Pg 139] into another world as they could,wherever they might find them, whether in the field of battle, or ina private retreat—whether armed or unarmed—or whether they might bein the enjoyment of health, or writhing under the effects of severewounds. From this doctrine, we not only most decidedly dissented,but endeavoured to convince him that conduct such as his was highlyderogatory to his character as a man; for either revenge or inhumanitytowards an enemy, when he can no longer offer resistance, was no lessan insult to human nature, than it was contrary to the laws and usagesof war. Finding, however, that we could not bring him to coincide withus in opinion, we bade the Albuerian assassin adieu, in the ferventhope that we might never again find ourselves near his polluted person.
Having formerly alluded to the battle of Medellin, I now proceed tomake a few remarks on the conduct of the Spanish General Cuesta, onthat occasion, conceiving that a great proportion of those reverseswhich subsequently befel the Spanish arms, are to be traced to theunfortunate issue of that engagement.
On retiring behind the Guadiana, Cuesta took up an excellent positionbetween Medellin, and Don Benito, with his right resting on theGuadiana, and his left on an almost inaccessible mountain. In fact, itwas so well chosen, that Victor was compelled to use stratagem, beforehe could[Pg 140] with prudence make any attempt to drive his opponent from hisstronghold.
Anxious, therefore, to bring Cuesta to action, but yet afraid to do soin his position, Victor, in order to rouse the pride of the haughtyDon, detached one party after another, close up to his front line, withinstructions to use every effort in their power to draw their opponentsinto the plain. For some time, the Spaniards bore all the insults anddegrading epithets gratuitously bestowed on them by the French, withconsiderable humour, but the same species of abuse and insult beingcontinued day after day, and hour after hour, Cuesta's wrath at lengthwaxed so hot, that he was induced to depart from the defensive systemwhich he had hitherto adopted, and to risk the fate of his army, I mayadd, his country, on the issue of a general engagement.
Were we called upon to estimate the character of Cuesta as a militaryleader, by the talents displayed by him on this occasion, I fear thatthe utmost praise, I should feel myself warranted in bestowing on him,would amount only to this, that had the fate of the day depended on thepersonal courage of the Spanish chief, perhaps the result mighthave been less disastrous for his country. But unfortunately for Spain,the fortune of the day did not depend on the personal courage of eitherof the military chiefs, but on courage, aided by military talent andexperience, tempered with[Pg 141] prudence, and guided by a clear and soundjudgement, none of which military qualifications Cuesta possessed.Had the Spanish Generalissimo taken a proper view of the duties whichof necessity devolve upon the commander-in-chief of an army, he nevercould have permitted this important truth to escape his recollection,that a general who is appointed to command the armies of his countryin times of peril, is entrusted not only with the lives and honourof those under his immediate command, but with the lives, honour,liberties, and property of all his fellow-countrymen. Had Cuesta notlost sight of this fact, he never would, for the sake of a littleephemeral praise, have placed in jeopardy the lives of his followers,and the best interests of his country, by attempting to accomplish thatwhich ages yet unborn will look upon as a rash, hazardous, and totallyuncalled for military enterprise; for had the attack been delayed buta few days longer, the French soldiery, who frequently can brook nodelay, would have compelled their leader to attack his opponent, whenVictor's defeat must have been as inevitable as Cuesta's appeared tobe on that fatal morning, to almost every person but himself. Situatedas Cuesta was, one of two things appears to me quite evident—he musteither have been totally incapable of commanding-in-chief on such anoccasion; or he must have grossly betrayed the trust reposed in him byhis country, otherwise he[Pg 142] never would have yielded up the many andimportant advantages he possessed, and unnecessarily placed himself ona footing of equality in point of ground with his antagonist—a pieceof infatuation not only without a parallel in the history of Spain, butone which might have shaken the pillars of his country to their veryfoundation. O Spain! Spain! how many thousands of your bravest sonswere in those times offered up as sacrifices to the pride, ambition,ignorance, or hateful personal feelings of your generals.
In the early ages of the world, a victory obtained by stratagem,did not confer much honour on the victor, for every thing then wasattempted and achieved by force alone. But as men improved in militaryscience, they perceived that there were occasions, when, by sacrificingthe lives of a few of their followers, a less bloody and more completevictory was obtained, than when they exposed to hazard the lives ofevery man under their command. They became convinced, that by usingstratagem, much time was saved, and many an advantage gained, whichopen force would never have accomplished. So satisfied were theSpartans of this, that, in order to make their officers endeavour toachieve every thing by stratagem, they ordered that every general whoobtained an advantage by stratagem, was to be permitted to sacrificean ox, but those who succeeded by open force, a co*ck only. This shewsus how much that gallant people[Pg 143] preferred the wiles of war, to openforce, and I trust may induce my military friends to follow theirexample, being of opinion, that as the performances of the mind arepreferable and superior to those of the body, so in exact proportion isstratagem to be preferred to open force.
[Pg 144]
CHAPTER X.
We remained quietly cantoned in Almendralejo, from the 13th of April tothe 11th of May. At day-light, on the 12th, the 13th light dragoons,one brigade of artillery, the 28th, 34th, 50th, 71st, and 92nd Britishinfantry, the 6th and 18th Portuguese infantry, 6th caçadores, and twocompanies 60th rifle battalion, moved from Almendralejo for Almarez tobreak a link or two of the enemy's chain of communication, between theFrench army under Marmont, and that of the south commanded by Soult.That evening we encamped about a mile from Merida, on the left bankof the Guadiana. The arches of the bridge which were destroyed duringthe siege of Badajoz, having been temporarily restored, the infantrypassed the river by the bridge on the 18th, all the rest of the troops,including the baggage, crossed by a ford above it. In the evening wehalted at St Pedro; next morning advanced to Villa-Macia, and on the15th entered Truxillo.
[Pg 145]
At eleven o'clock, the same evening, we proceeded to our alarm-post,and soon after moved off towards Almarez. By sun-rise, our main bodywas ensconced in the bosom of a wood, three leagues in advance, sothat the enemy neither got a glimpse of our persons or arms. Here wecooked; and those friends who were to lead the storming party, hadtheir limbs pretty well exercised, by running one hundred and one timesup ladders placed against the front of an old stone bridge. On hearingone of the party, a jolly ensign, afterwards complain of stiffnessof the joints, a friend of his, who overheard him, turned round andsaid, "Be thankful, my good-fellow, if your limbs are not stifferto-morrow; what you have received to-day, is only in part paymentof what you, as a member of the FORLORN CLUB, may expect toreceive at day-light to-morrow morning." Being a married man, the jokewas not at all well received.
There being three distinct points of attack, the troops were formedinto as many columns. The left column consisted of the 28th and 34thregiments, and 6th Portuguese caçadores, and was placed under thecommand of Lieutenant-General Tilson Chowne, who had a short timebefore assumed the command of the second division. The centre commandedby Major-General Long, was composed of the 13th light dragoons,the 6th and 18th Portuguese infantry; and the right column[Pg 146] led byMajor-General Howard, consisted of the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments,and one company 60th rifles. Each column was provided with scalingladders.
The works against which the right column moved, consisted of a pontoonbridge, thrown over the Tagus by the French, near the village ofAlmarez, defended by a tete-du-pont on the left bank, rather stronglyentrenched. On a height above the latter, the bridge was fartherdefended by a fort called Napoleon, mounting ten guns; and on theright bank by another fort, named Ragusa, mounting eight guns. Fourmiles from the bridge, the road from Truxillo runs through the pass ofMirabete, at the highest point of which the enemy had a fort, and sojudiciously was it erected, that its guns not only swept the Truxilloroad many hundred yards, but flanked the various turnings of the road,which, on the opposite side of the mountain, winds along the face ofit in a zig-zag manner all the way from the base to the very summit ofthe long and very steep ascent. The centre column was ordered to attackthis point. On the very summit of a rugged peak, which, from the fortjust mentioned, rises several hundred feet, in an almost perpendicularmanner, an old convent had, by French ingenuity, been converted intoa place of strength, and dignified with the title of "Castle ofMirabete." The guns of this fort were so planted, as to bear upon thatpart of the road[Pg 147] from Truxillo, which was out of range and view ofthose at the pass; and so great was the altitude of the castle, that itcould be seen from points many leagues distant both on the south andthe north. To capture this formidable little castle, was the portion oflabour allotted to the left column.
Formed in this manner, the whole corps moved from their bivouac in rearof Jaracejo, about eight o'clock in the evening of the 16th, towardsthe several points of attack. But a body of troops, when marchingin the night, frequently meet with obstacles against which no humanforesight can provide, particularly when cross roads, or difficultpasses intersect, or branch out from the principal line of march. Oneof those obstacles most unfortunately interposed its baleful influenceon this occasion, between the right column and the enemy, and soeffectually, that when the hour arrived at which the works were to beassaulted, the column was still five miles from its destination. Underthese circ*mstances, Sir Rowland Hill deemed it prudent to halt theright column on the summit of a bleak ridge called the Lina, whichoverlooks the vale of the Tagus, and to order the other columns towithdraw from under the guns of Mirabete.
There being no road by which artillery could be transported across thischain of hills, but that in possession of the enemy, Sir Rowland hadnow the choice of two rather bad alternatives, viz. either to carry theworks at the pass, and open a[Pg 148] passage for his artillery, or attackthe bridge and forts without the latter, and carry them by escalade.Giving a preference to the latter, the 17th and 18th were spent inreconnoitring the road leading from our encampment to the bridge, whichwas little better than a sheep path, and in many parts so narrow, thatnot more than one man could move along it at a time. About ten o'clockin the evening of the 18th, the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, twocompanies 60th rifles, and 6th Portuguese infantry, descended theLina, and moved towards the banks of the Tagus, with the intention ofattacking their opponents a little before day-light, on the followingmorning. But owing to the darkness of the night, and the narrow andbroken state of the foot-path, the sun had appeared, before the rearof the column had closed up, and formed for the attack. This seconddisappointment caused a temporary depression of our spirits, but on itbeing made known that Sir Rowland was resolved to attempt the captureof the works, by an immediate assault, the men resumed their usualgaiety.
The circ*mstances in which the detachment was thus again unfortunatelyplaced, caused Sir Rowland Hill to abandon the original plan of attack,and substitute the following. The detachment was divided into threecolumns. The 50th, and one wing of the 71st, composed the columndestined to attack Fort Napoleon, and was placed[Pg 149] under the commandof Major-General Howard. The 92nd regiment, and the remaining wing ofthe 71st regiment were ordered to support the former, and to be inreadiness to move to the assistance of their friends, or to attack thetete-du-pont, and fort Ragusa, and the 6th Portuguese, and 60th riflecompany formed the third column, or reserve.
Formed ready for the assault, behind a little height, one hundredand fifty yards from the fort, the 50th, on a given signal, movedfrom their hiding-place between six and seven o'clock, A.M.on the 19th, and, covered by the 71st light infantry, advanced withgreat firmness to the attack, the enemy all the while pouring onthem grape, round-shot, and musketry, in quantities sufficient togratify the appetite of the most determined fire-eater. On descendinginto the ditch, some of the ladders were discovered to be too short.This unfortunate obstacle was soon removed by the presence of mindof General Howard, who led the assault, and whose cool and intrepidconduct on the occasion, was the subject of general admiration.This little check, however, instead of blunting the courage of theassailants, tended rather to increase their ardour in the pursuitof victory. The first that ascended the ladders, met with a warmreception; and not a few of them tumbled from the top of the laddersinto the ditch head foremost—some dead, others to die, and the restto fight some other day.[Pg 150] The bravery of the assailants was mostconspicuous; and for a little time that of the assailed was not lessdeserving of praise. But the French officer in charge of the artilleryhaving retired from the fort without leave from his commandingofficer, the arms of the private soldiers became paralized, andafter a sharp conflict of eleven minutes, the "OLD DIRTYHALF-HUNDRED," and their friends of the SEVENTY-FIRST,fairly established themselves in Fort Napoleon.
Pending these operations, the second column was moved forward in azig-zag manner round every little knoll which afforded them protectionfrom the fire of fort Ragusa, until they arrived at a point, nearlyopposite to the left flank face of Fort Napoleon, when turning to theleft, they advanced direct upon the tete-du-pont at a quick pace.Perceiving that our object was to cut off their retreat, the enemy, onretiring from Napoleon, rushed towards the bridge in order to escape.But some of their own people having previously cut the bridge, anddrawn two or three of the pontoons to the right bank, a great many ofthem to preserve their liberty, threw themselves into the dark rollingcurrent, where, instead of that inestimable blessing, not a few of themfound a watery grave. All the others surrendered at discretion.
The head of the second column had arrived within a few yards of thechasm, before it was discovered that the bridge had been cut. Thiswas[Pg 151] rather an awkward situation to be placed in, and one which, butfor the panic which seized the governor of Fort Ragusa, might haveproduced disagreeable consequences. But fortunately the latter, insteadof attempting to add a hundred more to our list of killed and wounded,very considerately retired towards Almarez, leaving us at liberty toget out of our dilemma in any manner most convenient for ourselves.
As soon as the enemy had fairly taken to their heels, permission wasgiven to our troops to help themselves to some of the good things whichhad fallen into our hands. In a few minutes, wine, brandy, and rum,flowed in abundance, while bacon hams, and pieces of pickled pork andbeef decorated hundreds of bayonets, many of which were still tarnishedwith the blood of the enemy. Some of the knowing ones obtained valuableprizes from the officers mess-room, but by far the greater part of themen were amply satisfied with a haversack well stuffed with bread, ora canteen filled to an overflow with some of the heart-moving liquidsjust mentioned. At the close of this extraordinary scene, the troopswere moved back about half-a-mile, and ordered to bivouac.
The attention of the victors was now directed to the fallen brave,who in and around Fort Napoleon lay in considerable numbers. Our lossamounted to 177 killed and wounded, and that of the enemy to 450killed, wounded, and prisoners. Parties[Pg 152] from every regiment wereemployed during the remainder of the day in removing the wounded,destroying the forts, cannon, bridge, and such stores as we could notcarry off. Every thing being accomplished to the entire satisfactionof Sir Rowland, we quitted the blood-stained eminence at eight o'clocknext morning, and retired, first to the Lina, and thence, the sameafternoon, to our former bivouac behind Jaracejo. On the 21st were-entered Truxillo, where we halted during the 22d and 23d. On the24th we bivouacked at Villa Macia, and on the 25th retraced our stepsto St Pedro. On the following day we retired to a ridge half-waybetween Medellin and Merida, and on the 27th re-entered the latterplace amid the cheers of the populace, and the warm gratulations ofthose friends who were left to protect that part of the country in ourabsence.
Soon after the British troops entered Fort Napoleon, a French soldierbegged his life from one of the 50th, just as the fatal weapon was onthe point of performing its office; the honest Briton at once, and withpleasure, granted the boon of the petitioner. But the gallant fellowhad soon but too good cause to repent the generous deed, for on turninground to follow his comrades, his ungrateful and unworthy antagonistendeavoured to bury his bayonet in the breast of his preserver. Onperceiving the danger to which he was exposed, the British youthwheeled about, and received the[Pg 153] bayonet of the cowardly wretch inhis arm. Irritated at such conduct, the former raised his musket, andinstantly plunged his bayonet into the body of his dastardly opponent,who, on uttering a few inarticulate sounds, took leave of all earthlythings.
When the French colonel commanding in Fort Napoleon perceived thatfarther resistance was fruitless, he adopted the prudent course ofsurrendering himself a prisoner of war. Being permitted to retain hissword, the commandant was leaning on his best friend and companion inmany hard-fought fields, and ruminating on the mutability of everything below, when, little dreaming that he was so soon to receive afarther confirmation of it in his own person, an officer belonging tothe storming party entered the fort, and being equally ignorant ofthe French language, as of the terms on which the Colonel had beenpermitted to retain his sword, made a lounge at him, which the otherbeing totally unprepared to parry, a mortal wound was the consequenceof this extremely thoughtless, rash, and ill-judged act. Lingering ingreat agony for ten days, the Commandant expired, and two days afterwas buried in the Great Church of Merida with military honours, thewhole of the British officers assisting at the ceremony.
Lieutenant Theile, of the German artillery, having been instructed todestroy the enemy's works[Pg 154] at Ragusa, his people had the whole minedat an early hour on the 20th. On being informed that every thing wasready, Theile proceeded to apply the match to the train. The powder,however, being longer in igniting than he expected, he hastened to thefort to ascertain the cause. But, alas! Theile had scarcely entered thefort when the mine exploded, and carried him into the air.
About an hour after the capture of Fort Napoleon, I observed a privatesoldier of the 50th regiment, bending over the lifeless trunk of one ofhis comrades, and apparently wiping away the tear from his eye. Anxiousto ascertain the cause of his grief, I stepped forward, and divertedhis attention from the melancholy scene before him, by inquiring thename of the deceased. Till I spoke, the poor man imagined he waspouring out his grief in secret, for on lifting his head he blushed,and instantly dried up the fountain of tears. In answer to my query,I was informed that the deceased was my informant's brother, and thethird of the family who had given their lives for their country.Perceiving that previous to my arrival he had been endeavouring todig a grave for his brother on the counterscarp, with nothing buthis fingers and his bayonet, I, on moving away, kept my eyes uponhim for some time, and was not less astonished than delighted to seehim succeed in forming a grave sufficiently capacious to contain themangled remains of his beloved brother.
[Pg 155]
On re-entering Truxillo from Almarez, we found the inhabitants busilyengaged in preparing to treat us to a grand bull-fight, as a small markof respect and gratitude for the services rendered at Almarez by theBritish General and his humble followers.
The market-place being the grand arena where the two and thefour-legged combatants were to contend for victory, every streetleading from the square was barricaded with waggons, carts, ploughs,&c. to prevent the escape of the poor animals. In a house adjoiningthe square, the bulls were kept in durance, till released in order toappear before those for whose amusem*nt they were to be tormented inevery possible manner which the ingenuity of man could invent.
The Spaniards who were to act the most conspicuous parts in thisextraordinary drama, entered the theatre of action about seven o'clock,each carrying a pike in his right hand, and a brown cloak in the left.As soon as they had moved to their respective stations, one of thebulls was released from prison. On entering the scene of action the airrang with the loud acclamations of thousands of delighted spectators,while the poor animal, astonished at his reception, surveyed thesurrounding multitude with an eye of fury. With that bold anddetermined frown so characteristic of his species, he first gazed onhis tormentors, and then with a wildness in his countenance altogether[Pg 156]inexpressible, scampered around the square bellowing hideously, untilhe perceived an opening under a waggon, at the lower part of it, whendarting towards the port of liberty, he endeavoured to obtain thatwhich is alike dear to bulls as to men. The waggon being crowdedwith men and women, the whole on the approach of the furious animalwere precipitated in various curious and somewhat laughable attitudes,from their elevated station to the same level with the object of theirfears.
At this crisis, the Spanish combatants advanced and with a war-whoopequalled in wildness only by that of the Savage, pursued theirantagonist and probing him in the hip, made him stop short in hisvictorious career. Turning round to resent this act of cruelty, andseeing five or six men all equally near, he spent a few moments indeliberation, before he selected an antagonist, on whom to wreak hisvengeance. Having at length made choice of a tall, dark, powerfulopponent, he pursued the latter with such speed, that the femalespectators, trembling for the consequences, uttered the most horrificscreams imaginable. The life of the man certainly appeared to be inimminent danger, but at the very moment when his fate seemed to bedecided, he made use of the weapon, which above almost allothers is the best calculated to avert the dreadful collision, Imean the cloak. By throwing that at the head of the bull, thelatter seldom fails to stop short, conceiving[Pg 157] he has his antagonistin his power, and in order not to let the animal get too close to himbefore he takes this step, the Spaniard always runs, with his cloak atfull arms' length from his body. Just as the bull had tossed thecloak in the air, one of the Spaniards, from an opposite corner, wentunperceived behind the poor brute, probed him in the hip, then madeoff, hotly pursued by his four-footed antagonist, until stopped by thecloak of the fugitive, and pike of one of his friends as before. Thusthe fight continued till the animal could neither shake his head norwag a foot. On recovering a little, he was removed to make room foranother, which afforded no sport.
The third, on making his appearance, seemed completely out of humour.Foaming and bellowing, he made the circuit of the square several times.From eyes sparkling fire, the bull darted looks of scorn upon thesurrounding spectators, and after frisking and capering a little, andattempting to pay home his tormentors for their acts of cruelty, atlength effected his escape, and made room for others, none of whichafforded much amusem*nt.
A similar exhibition took place the following evening, but the sportwas bad. Three soldiers, more expert at handling a musket than thehorns of a bull, were, on their endeavouring to seize upon one of theinfuriated animals, tossed into the air and dreadfully injured.
[Pg 158]
This savage-like amusem*nt is considered a refined one in Spain, by allclasses, from the peer to the peasant. Even the fair Donnas think so.I suspect, however, that but very few of my fair country-women willfeel inclined to join their Spanish sisterhood in their admiration of asport, the principal feature of which is cruelty.
[Pg 159]
CHAPTER XI.
After spending the 4th of June in a manner worthy of the day, we tookleave of Merida for the last time, at one o'clock in the morning of the5th, and marched to Almendralejo. Intelligence having been receiveda few days after, that Marshal Soult intended paying us a visit, SirRowland Hill deeming it prudent to concentrate his little army at amore advanced point, the whole of the infantry moved forward to Zafra,Los Santos, and Sancho Perez, on the 12th and 13th.
On the 11th of June, a severe, gallant, but unfortunate action wasfought near Llera, between the French cavalry under General L'Allemand,and our heavy dragoons commanded by General Slade. In the early partof the conflict our troops were completely victorious, but from someunfortunate cause, they were ultimately beaten back with great loss tothemselves, besides the loss of all the prisoners they had previouslytaken from the enemy. To whom the heavy cavalry brigade were indebted[Pg 160]for this drubbing, I shall not affirm, but it was reported that SirRowland Hill was highly displeased with the issue of the affair.
This disastrous affair cast a deep gloom over every battalion in thedivision; but fortunately it was of short duration, for Sir RowlandHill having received intelligence, on the 12th, that the men GeneralSlade had lost on the preceding day, were then in the village ofMeguila, under a slender guard, instantly despatched fifty of the heavybrigade of cavalry, under Lieutenant Strenuwitz, to recapture them.This was exactly the kind of thing for Strenuwitz, for as he frequentlytold us, "he was so fond of de fight," that he was sure to bekilled some day or other. Away the whole party went in high spirits.In their principal object, however, they were unsuccessful; but havingfallen in with a detachment of French cavalry consisting of eighty men,the British, notwithstanding the great disparity of numbers, instantlyattacked them, and after a tight little brush, defeated them with theloss of many killed and wounded, and twenty prisoners, and completelyestablished the superiority of our heavy cavalry over that of the enemy.
The enemy's cavalry in front of Llerena having been reinforced, andtheir every movement indicating an intention of attacking us, theallied cavalry were withdrawn from Llerena on the 14th June. The lattercontinuing to fall back, and the French[Pg 161] to advance, the 50th and 92ndregiments retired from Sancho Perez to Los Santos on the 16th, and atsun-set, on the following evening, the whole corps retired towardsSanta Martha, behind which we halted at sun-rise on the 18th. Resumingour retrograde movement on the 19th, we marched to a wood a mile anda-half in front of the position of Albuera, and encamped on the rightbank of the little river of that name, where, on the 20th, we werejoined by the 5th, 17th and 22nd Portuguese regiments of the line, andone battalion of caçadores, which raised our force to upwards of 21,000men.
Fully convinced that Soult intended to attack him, Sir Rowland Hilllost not a moment after going into camp, in making such preparations ashe considered necessary to give the Marshal a warm reception, on thesame ground from which Marshal Beresford so unceremoniously drove himon the 16th of May 1811.
The ground denominated the position of Albuera, is a ridge coveredwith heath, the left or lower part of which is washed by the smallriver Albuera. From the river, it runs in a southerly directionabout three-quarters of a mile, and all the way rises with a gentleacclivity, till it terminates abruptly at a deep ravine, whichseparates the position from a high range of mountains farther to theright. The slope on each side of the ridge is long, but not steep. Thevillage of Albuera[Pg 162] stands on the lower part of the ridge, at a shortdistance from the river; and the high-road from Zafra to Badajoz runsthrough the centre of it. The extreme right being considerably higherthan the other parts of the ridge, must be considered as the key to theposition.
As this part of the ground, therefore, was likely to become the grandbone of contention, an engineer and strong working parties wereinstantly ordered to the spot, to increase its natural strength byall the artificial means in their power. Accordingly, by dint of hardworking, day and night, a most respectable looking redoubt crowned thesummit of the ridge in course of a few days. Another redoubt was raisedon an eminence a little lower down, and a third one begun still fartherto the left. The parapet of the bridge over the Albuera, a littlein front of the village, was thrown down; the road broken up; thestreets were barricaded; many of the houses loop-holed; and numerousbreast-works graced the slope of the ridge. An officer from eachregiment proceeded to the position, under the Quarter-Master General,who pointed out to them the ground which their respective battalionswere to occupy, in case of an attack, as well as the particular fordsof the river, where each corps was to cross on its way from theencampment to the position. Cavalry piquets were posted in front of thewood where the infantry were encamped. These were supported[Pg 163] by somecompanies of infantry, placed within an abattis, and the first brigade,50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, were ordered to be in readiness toproceed to the front of the wood, on the first appearance of theenemy, and to retard their progress till the other brigades had takenup their ground. Such were the precautionary measures adopted by SirRowland Hill at Albuera in June 1812,—measures which every individualpresent characterized as the offspring of caution, prudence, and a veryconsiderable portion of military talent.
On taking possession of the ridge of Albuera, we were a good dealastonished to find a trench, forty yards in length, nearly half filledwith human skeletons, without so much as one handful of mould sprinkledover them, to screen them from the eye of the eagle, the vulture, orcarrion crow. "Look," cried the men, one to another, on firstbeholding the horrifying spectacle, "behold our reward!" Inorder to quiet their minds, we threw out a hint that the skeletons werethose of the French soldiers who had fallen in battle the previousyear. But our oratory produced very little effect;—and no wonder, forthat circ*mstance formed any thing but a good apology for the conductof those to whom Marshal Beresford had entrusted the duty of buryingthe dead. That the dead were ordered to be buried, we require no otherproof than the existence of the trench;—for had no order been given,that tomb of many warriors would[Pg 164] never have been made. Now, as anorder to bury the dead is all that can be expected from a generalcommanding an army, no blame can possibly be attached to the generalwho commanded the allied army at Albuera, in May 1811. To suppose fora moment that he gave no orders to bury the dead, would be a foulaspersion on his military character; for every general whose breast,like his, glows with humanity, will, after completing the rout of anenemy, invariably endeavour to enhance his victory, by extending mercyto all those who are in his power, and consigning to the tomb, withbecoming solemnity, all those, whether friends or foes, who may havefallen in battle.
"Did you ever hear a good reason given why Marshal Beresford did noteither destroy, or capture the remains of the French army after thebattle of Albuera?" is a question which has been privately put to memore than a hundred times, and to which I shall now endeavour thuspublicly to return a satisfactory answer.
In the height of their patriotic frenzy, the inhabitants of theserealms are but too apt to anticipate from their naval and militaryarmaments, a degree of success far beyond what they can possiblyachieve. In forming these extravagant notions of success, it oftenhappens that the sanguine people lose sight of a great many facts,which, if kept in view, would assist them materially in forming acorrect estimate of the advantages which may be[Pg 165] expected from anyparticular body of troops. On the occasion alluded to, the queristsmust unquestionably have forgotten, that when an army is composedof troops drawn from various nations, it is almost impossible for ageneral to infuse into the breasts of all his followers the same daringspirit, the same ardour, and the same praise-worthy disposition, toemulate in deeds of valour, those who have gone before them in the pathof danger, of honour, and of glory. Let him do his utmost, he will notsucceed; for so long as the troops of each nation possess, as they nowdo, a separate and distinct species of courage from the others, therewill, there must be a secret enemy at work in the shape of jealousyand envy, which will prevent the soldiers of different nations fromco-operating so heartily, and so effectually with each other, as thedifferent corps of an army composed entirely of native troops do.Even in a native army, trivial causes have frequently been known toproduce jealousy, hatred, and envy. It often happens that a particularbattalion, brigade, or division is engaged in many and successivecombats, while others have no opportunity of displaying their prowess,and all without any premeditated arrangement of the general commanding.This succession of partial combats, seldom fails to draw down uponthe general, a charge of partiality, and upon the troops engaged inthem, the envy and hatred of their less fortunate companions. Thisagain produces ill-will between[Pg 166] the different battalions, brigades,and divisions, which, in the end, tends to destroy confidence, and ofconsequence, unity and strength in an army.
That the victory would have been more complete, had the generalplaced the key of his position in the keeping of the British troops,instead of those of Spain, there can be but one opinion; for the greatloss of the former did not arise from defending their own portionof ground, but in retaking that which the Spaniardshad too tamely yielded up to the enemy. That the originalplan of operations on that day was forced on the general, I believethere cannot be a doubt. But whatever may have been his reasons foragreeing to the arrangements, the issue shews us, that to placeimplicit confidence in foreign troops, is, to say the least of it, abad and dangerous policy. Let us, therefore, hope that the fate ofthe key of the position of Albuera, on the 16th May 1811, willfor ever operate as a warning to every British general or officer incommand of a mixed force, never to place a post of importance in thekeeping of foreign troops, but on all occasions to give the preferenceto the troops of that nation, whose army he commands.
A troop of one of our light cavalry regiments being on out-post dutyone morning during our stay at Albuera, one of the horses bestrode byan honest Hibernian became so restive, that the rider was ordered tofall out to the rear, and make it quiet. Pat being more anxious for atrip in another direction,[Pg 167] requested permission to take the horse tothe front. Leave being granted, Pat, on leaving the ranks, said to hiscomrades, "Now, by J——, lads, I will shew you something you never sawbefore." Every eye was instantly fixed upon the son of Erin, while hebelaboured the head and sides of the poor horse in the most unmercifulmanner. Neither the smart reproofs of his officers, nor the coarsejokes of his comrades, had any effect in lessening the punishment ofthe animal. In defiance of every thing, Pat kept whipping, spurring,and swearing, till he had gained a hundred yards from the troop, when,conceiving himself out of danger, he turned the head of his horsetowards the enemy, gave him the reins, and the spurs at the same time,and at full speed gained the French lines, before any of his companionscould overtake him.
For ten days the enemy gave us very little trouble, but in the morningof the 30th, a body of their cavalry approached our advanced posts,apparently with an intention to give us a meeting. Our brigade beingbusily employed in preparing their breakfast when the alarm was given,the camp-kettles were instantly emptied, and away we went to disputewith the enemy the passage through the forest. After waiting two hoursfor them, we were informed they had retired, and at the same timereceived permission to follow their example.
On returning to our camp, we put our culinary articles again inrequisition, but most unfortunately,[Pg 168] just as the kettles were aboutbeing removed from the fire, a second alarm called us again to thefront, when as before, we were forced to leave our dinners behindus—the soup to fertilize the soil, and the beef to feed the carrioncrow. This movement was equally unproductive of incident as the former,as far as we were concerned. The Spanish cavalry were less fortunatehowever, for in addition to the loss of breakfast and dinner, nota few of them lost their lives in an engagement with a body of theenemy's dragoons. In the early part of the action, the Spaniards weresuccessful, but having advanced farther than prudence warranted, theyat length fell into an ambuscade, and suffered severely. On thisoccasion the Conde-de-Penne-Villamur and his cavalry, fought in verygood style.
Finding that the enemy were only amusing him until he could draw offthe main body of his army, Sir Rowland Hill abandoned the defensiveand assumed the offensive on the 1st of July. Moving in one column,we arrived in the afternoon at Santa Martha, and encamped. On thefollowing day, the corps advanced in two columns. The left, consistingof General Long's brigade of British, and Colonel Campbell's brigadeof Portuguese cavalry, one brigade of artillery, the first brigadeof British, and Brigadier-General Campbell's brigade of Portugueseinfantry, was placed under the orders of Sir William Erskine, and movedagainst the enemy at Villa-Alba. The remaining brigades of artillery,[Pg 169]cavalry, and infantry, advanced along the high road to Zafra, under thecommand of Lieutenant-General Tilson Chowne.
The whole moved from Santa Martha, about nine o'clock, A.M.The German hussars, who led the advance to Villa-Alba, hearing thatthe French were quite unprepared for a visit, dashed into the village,cut down a number of them before they mounted their chargers, andwould have taken or destroyed the greater part of them, had thePortuguese cavalry behaved equally well. But unfortunately, neitherthe threats nor promises of Colonel Campbell and his officers, couldinduce their men to take part in the fray, till the favourable momenthad for ever fled. Attacked at length by a superior force, the hussarswere compelled to retire, until the light dragoons advanced to theirassistance, when they once more became the assailants, and drove theenemy from the village to a height a short distance from it, wherethe whole skirmished very beautifully for some time after our brigadearrived at Villa-Alba. When the enemy finally retired, we crossed theGuadacia, moved a few miles up its right bank, then re-crossed theriver, and lay down under arms. Towards evening, we were moving fromthe banks of the Guadacia to encamp, when the enemy brought forward afew pieces of artillery, and cannonaded us from an opposite height.Our artillery returned the fire of the enemy from a rising ground,close to[Pg 170] the river, across which the 71st light infantry were thrown,to take possession of a height half-way between us and our opponents.After a mutual interchange of civilities, the affair was brought toa close by the French withdrawing their artillery, and leaving us tobind up the wounds of a few of our artillerymen, and some Portugueseinfantry, in peace and quietness.
In the engagement at Villa-Alba, one of the second German hussars wasassaulted by a powerful French dragoon. Both being dexterous swordsmen,it was sometime before either could claim an advantage. AnotherFrenchman conceiving his friend in danger, flew to his aid, but whenhe arrived, his companion was heaving his last convulsive throe at thefeet of his conqueror. The fatal result of this rencounter did nothowever deter the second antagonist from making an attempt to revengethe fall of his friend. To it they went gallantly. Cut succeeded cut,and thrust succeeded thrust, till both were considerably weakened.At length a third opponent approached the scene of action, and inseconding his friend, buried his sword in the body of the German hero,just as the sabre of the latter had performed a similar favour to hisantagonist.
In the afternoon of the 3rd of July, we quitted the banks of theGuadacia, marched two leagues through a close country, and bivouackedon the left of the road from Santa Martha to Zafra.[Pg 171] Next morning weadvanced to Los Santos and bivouacked, and at sun-set the same dayresumed our march, and at sun-rise on the 5th, entered Benveneida.Quitting the latter on the 6th, we marched into Llerena the sameafternoon. As we passed the windows of a convent in the suburbs ofthe city, the fair inmates cheered us through the gratings of theirmiserable cells, and continued to wave their white handkerchiefs, tillevery red-coat was lost in the distance. The joy of the nuns may havebeen sincere, but if the tittle-tattle of the neighbouring towns couldbe credited, the inhabitants of Llerena had very little regard for us.
[Pg 172]
CHAPTER XII.
The enemy having shewn an unwillingness to retire from Berlenga, SirRowland Hill, at the head of his whole corps, marched from Llerena onthe 8th of July to dislodge them. The infantry, preceded by the Spanishcavalry under the Conde-de-Penne-Villamur, moved direct upon Berlenga,but the British cavalry moved by a more circuitous route to the left,with the view of making a dash at the right wing of the French force infront of the town.
Six miles from Llerena, the Spaniards came up with the enemy's advancedpiquets, which they attacked and drove in, in rather good style. Theground being favourable for cavalry, the French retired at extendedorder, followed by their opponents, who skirmished with them veryprettily, till the enemy rejoined a portion of their friends on aheight in front of Berlenga. The force of the two parties being nowmore upon an equality, the Spaniards proceeded with greater caution.The infantry[Pg 173] however continued to advance at the usual pace, in orderto arrive at a given point at the hour fixed for the British cavalry tomake the attack. As we approached the height on which the main body ofthe French cavalry in front of Berlenga were posted, the latterretired, crossed a deep ravine, and took post on an opposite ridge. Thetown of Berlenga, which lay between these two eminences, and a littleto our left, was still in the hands of the enemy, but was evacuatedimmediately by them on seeing their companions on the left retiringacross the valley. To annoy them a little, and retard their retrogrademovement till our cavalry should arrive, the artillery were ordered toplay upon the two columns, and the infantry to close up in rear of theartillery. On the infantry taking up their ground, the French artillerysaluted each battalion in succession,—a mark of attention for whichour artillery shewed themselves sufficiently grateful. The effectproduced by this mutual interchange of civilities would have been muchfiner, could we have induced the enemy to make it more general. In thisobject, however, we were completely foiled by the non-appearance ofour cavalry, until the enemy had withdrawn almost beyond the reach ofpursuit. Such was the issue of our movement on Berlenga, which in themorning promised so brilliant a result. At the close of the businessthe troops were thrown into Berlenga, but at sun-set[Pg 174] we quitted thetown, and bivouacked in the vicinity.
Early on the following morning, we began to retrace our steps toLlerena. The day being extremely hot, and not a single drop of water tobe had between the two places, a great many of the men sunk upon theground completely overpowered, some of them to rise no more. Duringthe latter part of the march, my thirst was so great, that when abouta-quarter of a mile from Llerena, I was forced to lie down, and mighthave been reposing near the same spot to this day, had not a soldierkindly offered me a mouthful of mud and water, (the onlyliquid any of them could procure) which revived me so much, that incourse of a few minutes, I was enabled to follow my friends into town.
On the 18th of July, we bade a final adieu to Llerena, and retired toBenveneida. Resuming our march at sun-set the same evening, we arrivedat Zafra at sun-rise on the following morning.
An hour before our battalion marched from Benveneida, the wife of aprivate soldier of the 3rd company presented her lord and master withtwo fine chubby boys. On the two being presented to the astonishedfather, he exclaimed, in accents of the deepest despair, "Gude preserveme, Betty Watt, what can I do wi' them?"
On the day we returned to Zafra an officer received over threeinhabited, and four uninhabited[Pg 175] houses for the use of his company.The latter had neither doors nor windows, and the floors were coveredwith nastiness of every description. Notwithstanding this, however,the acting captain retained the best house to himself; and as he wouldnot share it with the other officers, they, as a matter of course,were compelled to occupy the only other one which could accommodatethem,—a house large enough to have held the whole company. Theother house being very small, six men only found shelter under itsroof. The consequence of this selfish conduct I need not point out,farther than this, that it drew upon the head of the principal actora degree of odium which he could never remove. From this it issufficiently obvious, that in the distribution of quarters, officerscommanding companies should never permit any thing like selfishness orpartiality to appear in any part of their conduct. On the contrary,they should invariably hand over to the non-commissioned officersand privates, the houses best calculated for their accommodation,although the honourable, and really humane act, may have the effect ofcirc*mscribing their own personal comforts.
In regard to the quartering of troops, I trust the following hint maybe of some use to those military gentlemen who have not yet had anopportunity of performing that duty on foreign service.
[Pg 176]
On receiving over the houses intended for the accommodation of hiscompany, the officer in charge of it should visit the quarters alongwith a sergeant, who should be made to pace every apartment, and markon a piece of paper the size of each in square yards, reckoning eachpace a yard. On this being done, all that remains for the officer todo, is to sum up the whole, then divide it by the number of men in thecompany; the result will shew him at one glance the exact space whicheach individual is entitled to, whether that may be one square yard ortwenty.
On entering the square of Zafra with a few friends, about ten o'clockin the morning of the 28th of July, we beheld with sincere sorrowthe Marquis of Almeida flying from one place to another, and witha stentorian voice offering to bet thirty doubloons to one thatIT was true. I say sincere sorrow, for not knowingthe cause of his offering such odds, we really fancied that thenoble patriot had gone mad. On getting a little nearer, however, wewere informed that a Spaniard, an entire stranger, had waited upon thechief magistrate a short time before, and given him an interestingaccount of a battle fought near Salamanca, on the 22d July, betweenLord Wellington and Marshal Marmont, in which the latter had beentotally defeated. Daily expecting to hear of the retreat of thenorthern army into Portugal, no one gave credit to the poor man's storybut the[Pg 177] Marquis. Indeed some threw out hints of the man being a spy.On this being reported to him, he instantly made a voluntary tenderof his person to be incarcerated in the common jail till the officialdispatches arrived, when he could be punished if found to have deviatedfrom the truth. I need scarcely add, that on the arrival of theofficial account next morning, he was permitted to return to the banksof the Tormes, having previously received something more substantialthan empty thanks for his patriotic conduct in travelling such adistance with no other object in view than to be the first to give thegratifying intelligence of the victory to the British General and hispatriotic countrymen in Estremadura.
The French troops in and around Hornachos having been reinforced toan extent, which caused considerable uneasiness to our General forthe safety of our cavalry stationed at Villa-Franca, the 1st and 2dbrigades of infantry moved from Zafra a little before mid-night onthe 28th of July, and at eight o'clock next morning encamped closeto Villa-Franca. On the march Sir Rowland Hill was so kind as tocommunicate to us the heart-stirring tidings from Lord Wellington onthe banks of the Tormes, which, as may be supposed, were received byofficers and men with a universal burst of applause. In the eveningthe troops were ordered a double allowance of grog, to drink ina[Pg 178] full-flowing cup the health of Lord Wellington and his gallantcompanions.
Every thing being quiet at Villa-Franca, we quitted our encampmenton the 31st, and moved to Fuente del-Maestre. General L'Allemandhaving attacked our cavalry in front of Villa-Franca, early nextmorning our brigade was ordered to move to their assistance with allpossible dispatch. We had proceeded about half-way, when we weredesired to return; but we had scarcely commenced our retrogrademovement, when a third order made us again wheel to the right-about,and proceed according to our original instructions. This marching andcounter-marching, under a broiling sun, we cheerfully put up with,knowing it was caused by the movements of the enemy; but we could notso easily prevail upon ourselves to forgive the tardy movements ofthose who kept us roasting three hours in the streets of Villa-Franca,before they handed over the quarters allotted to the brigade.
Between small, ill-ventilated rooms, an over-heated atmosphere, andempty purses, our situation in Villa-Franca was far from an enviableone. During our stay, many of us were cooped up in apartments, intowhich no thrifty housewife would have put her pigs, even for a singlenight. By repeated threats of a morning visit from the enemy, it wasdeemed advisable to detach five companies of infantry two miles to thefront, every evening a little before sun-set, to render assistance[Pg 179] tothe cavalry and infantry piquets, in case of an attack. About eighto'clock one evening, when the right wing of the 92d regiment, underColonel Cameron, happened to be on this duty, a smart tirailleur fire,in the direction of Villa-Franca, struck with astonishment the earsof the Highland Colonel. Convinced that the French had eluded thevigilance of our out-posts, and penetrated to the town, he orderedsmall piquets to be posted around the main body, and dispatchedan officer and a few files of men towards Villa-Franca, to obtainintelligence. Night-marching almost every soldier detests,—fornight-fighting few have a greater relish,—consequently the feelings ofthe men were wound up to the highest pitch, the situation in which theyfound themselves placed being one of those which no soldier admires.An hour and a-half passed away, and there were no tidings of the partysent towards the town. Despairing of seeing it again, a second wasabout to set out on a similar errand, when the other returned with amessage from Sir William Erskine, commanding in Villa-Franca, which atlength satisfied us that the ominous sounds which had disturbed ourrepose, proceeded, not from the muskets of an enemy, but from those ofa loyal and joyous people, who had adopted the above mode of testifyingtheir loyalty to their King, and gratitude to the British General,for wresting their Capital from the iron grasp of a ruthlessdespot.
[Pg 180]
At day-break on the following morning, the enemy, anxious no doubt toascertain the cause of the firing, attacked our cavalry, and capturedthree of the heavy brigade. This shews that there is little pleasure tobe enjoyed unmixed with a proportion of the ills or inconveniences oflife,—for,
Something that's bitter will arise,
In the midst of all our jollities.
At an early hour on the 28th of August, we took leave of Villa-Francawithout the smallest regret, and with the other brigades moved towardLlerena. In the afternoon the 1st brigade occupied Usagre, and on thefollowing day joined the other brigades in a field near Villa-Garcia.Early on the 30th we quitted the above encampment, but instead ofmarching directly upon Llerena as we anticipated, we filed to the left,and in the afternoon encamped on a height a short distance from Llera.Next day we entered El-Campilo, remained in it till sun-set, then leftit and bivouacked in the vicinity. Before day-light, on the 1st ofSeptember, we directed our steps towards Zalamea, which, after a veryfatiguing march of fourteen hours, under a scorching sun, and over aparched desert, we entered and took possession of considerable storesof grain left behind by the enemy. Here we met with a very flatteringreception from the inhabitants, and really we required it to keep upour spirits; for the want of water was so severely[Pg 181] felt by the wholeof the pedestrian portion of the procession, that as often as a littlepool of thin mire fell in our way, hundreds scrambled for evenone little cup of the nauseous draught. The following morning wemarched to Quintana,—on the 3d we entered Maguela,—and next forenoonagain occupied Don Benito.
On receiving notice that Marshal Soult had raised the siege of Cadiz,the constituted authorities in Don Benito made every preparation tocelebrate the gratifying event with eclat. For this purpose the newconstitution was ordered to be proclaimed on the 7th September, and anillumination for the same evening. Accordingly, the magistrates andprincipal inhabitants walked in procession to hustings erected in thegrand square, where, at twelve o'clock, the ceremony was performed,amid deafening shouts of assembled thousands. In the evening the townwas brilliantly illuminated, every window emitting a lightequally refulgent as that produced by a
"Little farthing rush-light."
The people, however, seemed quite delighted with the display, andit was our policy, no less than our duty, to expressourselves pleased with it also.
The retreat of Marshal Soult from Cadiz, in the direction of Valencia,and that of the Count D'Erlon from the banks of the Guadiana to joinhim, having rendered our stay in Estremadura no longer necessary,[Pg 182] webade adieu to Don Benito on the 13th of September, crossed the Guadianaat a ford about a mile from the town, and marched to Majaides. Nextmorning our brigade occupied Villa-Macia, and on the 15th Truxillo.Here a few pieces of brass cannon were found under some wood, in theresidence of the noble family of Conquesta, (the descendants of thegreat Pizarro,) who were at that time in Cadiz.
We took leave of Truxillo on the 18th of September, and in the eveningbivouacked on the face of a steep bank in front of Jaraceijo. On the19th we moved through the pass of Merabete, crossed the Tagus by apontoon bridge, near to the site of the one which we destroyed fourmonths before, and encamped in the evening a little in front of Almarez.
The 50th being the rear battalion of the column of march on thisoccasion, Colonel Stewart halted it, as soon as the leading files hadarrived at the farther end of the bridge. On forming line, the wholestood fronting the old tete-du-pont, and Fort Napoleon, in the captureof which they acted so conspicuous a part. At a signal given to themen by their gallant leader, the whole gave three times three heartycheers, the band all the time playing "God save the king." The wholebattalion appeared quite electrified, and at the close of the ceremonyfollowed their comrades,—the band[Pg 183] playing the "Downfall of Paris,"and the "British Grenadiers."
Colonel Stewart's conduct on this occasion cannot be too loudlyapplauded, or too generally imitated. Officers commanding battalionsshould embrace every opportunity in their power of shewing the soldiersunder their command, that although they cannot reward with promotionall those who signalize themselves in battle, they can appreciatetheir merit and gallantry, and bear both in grateful remembrance; forcourage in an army depends very much upon example, and the desire ofbeing distinguished by the superior officers. Indeed, it is scarcelypossible for any but those who have been in action, to have any idea ofthe wonderful effects which are occasionally produced by a kind wordor look from a general or officer, at the head of a battalion on thefield of battle, or with what ardour a private soldier will run intodanger, when he conceives that his conduct is observed by his officers.A little attention from officers, similar to that bestowed on the 50thby their colonel at Almarez, will always be more than repaid by theirtroops on every occasion, when they are called into action.
On the 20th September, we moved forward to Naval Moral, andencamped. Next morning we occupied Calzada-de-Orepesa, and on the22nd La-Gartera. A little before mid-night on the 25th, we marchedfrom the latter place, and at ten[Pg 184] o'clock next morning, enteredTalavera-de-la-Reina, amid the noisy acclamations of almost the wholepopulation.
Talavera is immortalized by the victory obtained by Sir ArthurWellesley over the French army, on the 28th of July 1809. Previous tothe French invasion, the city, which stands on the right bank of theTagus, was one of the most beautiful and flourishing in Spain. But wefound all the streets nearest the bridge in ruins, many of the othersgreatly injured; in short, the whole town, with the exception of a fewstreets, in a state of complete dilapidation.
The inhabitants talked incessantly of the battle of Talavera, and wereperfectly deafening in their praises of Lord Wellington and Sir RowlandHill. In fact, they never pronounced the name of the latter, but interms of glowing admiration. His desperate defence of the eminence onthe left of the British position, which secured the victory, has gainedhim an imperishable name in Spain. Centuries may pass away, but to thelatest ages, the kind people of Talavera will venerate the name of aBritish soldier.
With very considerable regret we took leave of the warm-heartedTalaverians, and directed our steps towards Toledo. Soon after crossingthe Alberche, the road leads into a vineyard, several miles in length,and which on the right and left extends to a considerable distance.The grapes, ripe and[Pg 185] delicious, were overhanging the foot-paths insuch a manner, that we would have required no small portion of thenautical skill of a Commodore Trunnion to pursue our course, withoutcoming in contact with the beautiful clusters which hung around us inmost inviting positions. Before mid-day we arrived at Cybola, where acool reception awaited the Highlanders.
When Sir John Hope was detached with a division of the British armytowards Madrid, in November 1808, he selected amongst others for thatduty, the 71st and 92nd regiments. From some petty cause or other,the private soldiers of these regiments were not on the most friendlyterms. From a year's residence in South America, many of the 71st couldspeak the Spanish language with considerable fluency, which gave thema decided advantage over their friends in their daily intercourse withthe natives. Taking advantage of this circ*mstance, some of the 71stinsinuated on various occasions, and at different places, that the92nd regiment was a disgraced corps, and in proof of their assertion,they never failed to point to the kilt, which, they affirmed,the king had condemned them to wear as a mark of infamy for misconductbefore the enemy. This, like all other tales of scandal, spread likewildfire, and in time reached the ears of the worthy Cybolians.
A corps of cowards being too rare, and by far too curious a sight evenin Spain, to be lost for a[Pg 186] little personal trouble, the villagers, onhearing of the arrival of the 92nd at Talavera, proceeded, some to thelatter, others to the high road from it to the capital, to get a peepat the brave men whom George III. had sent to assist in drivingthe usurper from the Peninsula. From that day they had considered theHighlanders as a corps in disgrace, and consequently, when the latterentered their village on the 26th of September, they were looked uponas men totally unworthy of the notice of the meanest inhabitant. Butwhen an explanation took place, the people laughed immoderately attheir own credulity, and it was no sooner known in the town, thatinstead of a mark of disgrace, the kilt had been given to them as amark of His Majesty's confidence and regard, than the whole countrywas inundated with the Highlanders, proceeding by invitation of theinhabitants, to partake of the delicious fruits which their richlystored vineyards afforded.
Next morning we proceeded towards Torrijos, where we arrived aboutone, P.M. During our march we passed five or six considerabletowns, at all of which the people received us with the utmostdemonstrations of joy. On approaching the gates of Torrijos, SirRowland Hill was received by the magistrates in their robes,—they gavehim a hearty welcome within their walls, and in honour of the event,ordered the town to be illuminated the same[Pg 187] evening. The display herewas infinitely superior to that at Don Benito.
The sun found us considerably advanced on the road to Toledo, when,for the first time, he shewed his cheering countenance on the morningof the 29th. About a mile from the gates, the magistrates in theirscarlet robes, the governor, the famous Guerilla chief, El-Medico, anda great many of the first nobility and gentry residing in the city,congratulated Sir Rowland Hill on the favourable state of affairs, andgave him a most cordial welcome within the walls of their ancient city.As we proceeded from the gates towards the grand square, the cheersof welcome which assailed us from every door, every window, and everybalcony, were truly electrifying. Joy beamed in every countenance; andamongst numerous loyal ejacul*tions, "Long live kind George III.!""Long live Wellington!" "Long live Hill!" and "Long live FerdinandVII.!" fell from the lips of delighted thousands. In the principalsquare, the front of every house was literally covered with the symbolsof joy used in Spain on similar occasions, viz. quilts of everydescription, sheets, silk flags, and handkerchiefs, and as we were thefirst British troops that had ever been in Toledo, the city was mostbrilliantly illuminated in the evening.
Toledo, once the capital of Spain, stands upon a rock, three sides ofwhich are washed by the Tagus, which, murmuring sullenly as it rollsover its[Pg 188] rugged bed, adds considerably to the romantic scenery around.The streets are narrow, but well paved, and kept tolerably clean. Theprecautions adopted by the inhabitants to exclude the rays of the sunfrom the interior of their dwellings, are so effectual, that on a clearsummer day, a stranger seated in the most spacious room, would be aptto fancy the hour twelve mid-night, when it was only twelve mid-day.
Toledo was at one time famous for its manufacture of sword-blades; butthe mode of making them being known only to the manufacturer, no realToledo blade can now be had but at a prodigiously high price.So excellent was the material of which the blades were manufactured,and so careful was the maker of his reputation, that if the least notchappeared on the edge of a blade after undergoing the operations oftempering, and striking repeatedly on a sharp iron instrument, it wasinstantly thrown aside as a piece of old iron.
Early on the 30th, we crossed the Tagus by a stone bridge, almost underthe walls of the city, marched four leagues, and encamped in a richvalley between the ruinous village of Villa-Major and the river. On the1st of October we occupied Aranjuez.
Sometime previous to our leaving Toledo on the 30th, various itinerantspirit-merchants hovered on our flanks, and to the annoyance of everyperson in the brigade, kept bawling the name and quality[Pg 189] of thecommodity they had for sale. Anxious to obtain a ready sale for theirwares, the spirited gentlemen were frequently not over scrupulous insoliciting the favours of their foreign friends. On approaching towhere Colonel Cameron of the 92nd regiment was standing giving ordersto his battalion, one of the merchants, with a very large bottle underhis arm, roared out, "Aquerdente, Senhores, Aquerdente," and wasjust on the point of repeating the dose in the Colonel's ears, whenthe latter gave the "big belly'd bottle" such a whack, thatin an instant it was flying through the air in a thousand pieces. Onperceiving the fate of his best friend, the poor itinerant boundedforward like an antelope, and after throwing down a dozen or two in hisprogress, fled with the speed of lightning, lest his head should sharethe fate of his bottle, and his brains, like his brandy, be made tosprinkle the pavement of Toledo, by the talismanic wand of the Highlandchief.
[Pg 190]
CHAPTER XIII.
Aranjuez, though not a pretty town, is prettily situated in a beautifulvalley, watered by the Tagus, which, entering it on the east, windsthrough it towards Toledo, receiving in its course various tributaries,the most considerable of which is the Jacamah, which joins the Tagusa little below the town. Honoured, previous to the French invasion,with the presence of the Court for a few months every season, Aranjuezreally possesses a greater degree of neatness and regularity in itsstreets and buildings, than is any other where to be met with in thePeninsula. The principal streets are broad, and at regular distancescut at right angles by others of less importance. In this respectit very much resembles the New Town of Edinburgh,—but here theresemblance ceases, for when compared with the princely residencesin the Modern Athens, the buildings in Aranjuez are but houses inminiature.
The principal building of course is the royal residence,[Pg 191] whichstands at a little distance from the lower part of the town, andclose to the left bank of the Tagus. It is a commodious, and ratherhandsome structure, but at the time we were there it had a very sombreappearance, the palace being empty, and every thing around it being ina state of the greatest confusion.
A day or two after we arrived at Aranjuez, a few of us proceeded tothe palace to get a peep at its furniture and interior embellishments.On demanding admission, we were refused, and had just turned on ourheels to return the way we went, when we espied Sir Rowland Hill,with his staff, bearing down upon the palace on a similar errand.Having tacked ourselves to the skirts of Sir Rowland's coat, weobtained admittance, and had the honour of accompanying him throughevery corner of the palace. Sir Rowland being accompanied by one ofthe servants residing in the palace, we were shewn some curiosities,and received a few particulars regarding the conduct of some of itsformer inmates, worthy of being kept in remembrance. On arriving atthe queen's bed-room, we were all struck with astonishment at the meanand wretched appearance of the apartment, which the guide observing,he immediately began to explain the causes which led her majesty toselect it in preference to many others more worthy of royalty, but hadnot proceeded beyond two or three sentences, before Sir Rowland Hillshewed himself so[Pg 192] disgusted with the recital, that he darted from theapartment, apparently anxious to escape as speedily as possible fromso tainted and pestiferous an atmosphere: and to those who know anything of that amiable General's private character, this will not excitesurprise, for through life, he has not been less distinguished for hisgreat moral worth and piety, than for his unconquerable courage in thefield of battle.
Every Sunday, when stationary, the whole of the division invariablyattended divine service, and in order to mark his respect for thesacred ordinances of religion, Sir Rowland's orders were, that everyofficer should appear in his best uniform. The troops were alwaysformed in square, and the large drum of one of the battalions servedthe clergyman as a desk. One Sunday afternoon during our stay inAlmendralejo, a very young clergyman, newly arrived from England,volunteered to officiate for our chaplain. On going up to the drum, theyoung aspirant for clerical fame appeared completely from home. Beingquite at a loss to know to what use he should apply it, he surveyed itfor some time with a scrutinizing eye; and then, as if fully satisfiedthat it could only have been placed in the square for him to standupon, he, at one leap, posted himself on the drum-head, to the utterastonishment of the whole division, no member of which before that dayhad ever seen a similar feat attempted.[Pg 193] When the first ebullition ofsurprise had subsided, a titter ran along the inside of the square likea running fire. Sir Rowland Hill preserved his gravity with difficulty,and General Chowne was forced to turn his back. In momentaryexpectation of seeing the minister return to old mother earth in ratheran awkward manner, General Howard stepped forward, and in his usualmild and gentlemanly way, said, "Sir, I think you had better come down,I am afraid the drum will not bear you;" but whether the young chaplainwas so captivated with his new situation, or found greater difficultyin resuming his original position than the General anticipated, I knownot, but neither hand nor foot moved he. Perceiving by this how mattersstood, assistance was instantly procured, when the minister descendedin safety, but more than satisfied that every man "should look beforehe leaps."
It being evident that Soult and Jourdan would regulate their movementsby the issue of Lord Wellington's operations before Burgos, mostanxiously did we look for the official details of the capture of thatfortress. Day after day, however, passed away, and still the gladtidings did not arrive. This state of affairs in the north began atlength to create an unpleasant impression in our quarter, for Soult'sadvanced guard, which was known to have left Valencia on the 12th,approached our cantonments on the 22nd of October. To oppose this[Pg 194] armyof 50,000 tried soldiers, Sir Rowland Hill had a British, Spanish, andPortuguese force of from 35,000 to 40,000 men. On the 23rd, the 2nddivision crossed the Tagus at Aranjuez, and marched, the 1st brigadeto Colmanar-de-Orejo, and the others to several villages up the rightbank of the river, between Fuente-Duenna, and Aranjuez. On hearing thata body of the enemy's troops were moving upon Duenna, our brigade wasordered from Colmanar to that place on the 25th, to defend the passageof the Tagus in that neighbourhood. On our arrival we found the Spanishcorps of Generals Elio and Freyre in bivouac close to the village. Onthe 27th, the enemy appeared on a height opposite to Duenna, whencethey pushed forward a strong reconnoitring party towards the bridges.To prevent them finding out the state of the bridge, the 60th riflecompany lined the bank of the Tagus, and kept up a smart fire on theiradvanced guard of cavalry, but the shots being rather long, very littleexecution was done. In about an hour they retired altogether out of ourview.
The day being unusually fine, some men of the brigade were enjoyingthemselves in the limpid stream, when the enemy descended the heightsto reconnoitre the bridge. Warned of the rapid approach of the enemy,our men quitted the water, and remained on the left bank till the enemywere quite close to them. Before leaping into the river to returnto their own side of it, one of them placed[Pg 195] himself in a namelessattitude, which roused the ire of the Gallic soldiers to such a pitch,that one of them, foaming with rage, galloped forward almost to theverge of the river, and deliberately levelled his carabine at theunprotected person of the poor fellow who was still in the water.This cowardly act called forth such a spontaneous and deafening shoutof indignation from every mouth in our brigade, that the arm of theassassin was paralyzed. The hand which grasped the weapon from whichthe messenger of death was to be sped, dropped as if by magic by hisside, and then, covered with confusion, and heartily ashamed of hisconduct, he wheeled his horse to the right-about, and rode off at fullspeed.
Marshal Soult's plans being now pretty fully developed, Sir RowlandHill used every effort in his power to counteract them. The alliedforce was ordered to concentrate in a position on the right bank ofthe Jacamah, near to its junction with the Tagus. All the corps ofobservation were withdrawn from their advanced positions on the Tagus.The first brigade quitted Fuente-Duenna at ten o'clock, P.M.on the 27th October, marched the whole of that night, and next day,till one, P.M. when the three regiments were ordered to occupythe village of Villa-Conijos. The same evening at seven o'clock,we resumed our arms, crossed the Jacamah about mid-night by thePuente-Largo, and at four o'clock in the morning of the 29th, took[Pg 196] upthe ground allotted to us in the position before alluded to.
Sir Rowland Hill having ordered two arches of the Puente-Largo to bedestroyed, the engineers were busily employed in making the necessarypreparations to carry these orders into execution when we crossedthe Jacamah. By some accident, the head of one of the seventy-firstofficer's horses came in contact with one end of the large drum of thatregiment, just as the leading files of the corps were passing overthe spot where the artificers were at work. The night being extremelydark, the horse was so frightened, that it plunged and reared at afrightful rate, to the great annoyance and terror of those around it.In a moment the hollow sound produced by the collision, was convertedby the soldiers into an explosion of the mine under their feet, and theprancing of the horse could be nothing but the stone and lime passingfrom beneath them, into the abyss below. As but a very few were awareof the real cause of the noise, the panic soon spread through therear of the column, throughout which confusion reigned triumphant fora minute or two, the whole expecting every moment a watery grave. Sogreat was the panic, that I was fairly lifted off my feet and carriedseveral paces to the rear without touching the ground. Had the enemybeen at our heels, the issue of this trifling incident might have beendreadful.
[Pg 197]
Confidently expecting a visit from Soult, we stood to arms a littlebefore day-break, every brigade on the ground it was to occupy in theevent of an attack. Conceiving a battle inevitable, we were not alittle delighted to find ourselves at sun-rise, in a position whichmade considerable amends for our deficiency in point of numbers. Soultno doubt took a similar view of it, for instead of attacking us, hisbattalions at day-light were either cooking at Aranjuez, in motiontowards Toledo, or endeavouring to pass over the Tagus above the town.Seeing that no immediate offensive movement was intended, we cooked, inorder to be prepared for whatever might occur. Before we had finished,however, Sir Rowland Hill received instructions to retire, in order toform a junction with the northern army which had been forced to retirefrom Burgos.
Accordingly the second division broke up the same afternoon from itsposition on the Jacamah, and retreated to Val-de-Mora. Next morning wepassed close under the walls of the capital, three miles from which,on the road to the Escurial, we encamped. During our march, the rainpoured in torrents, nor did it terminate with our fatiguing march,but continued with unabated violence till sun-set. By this time thesoldiers were rendered almost unfit for duty, having no tents toshelter them from the storm. On the 31st we retired to the Escurial;seven battalions were quartered in the[Pg 198] palace, the rest in the town.Though the residence of a long race of kings was here assigned us as aresting-place for the night, I know that not a few of my friends would,with cheerfulness, have resigned their apartments in that magnificenthabitation of royalty, for the rustic comforts of a shepherd's cottage.
On the 1st of November we retired to the foot of the Guadarama pass,and next morning ascended it, and reached the summit after a threehour's zig-zag march. Here we had a most extensive and captivatingview of the country in every direction, save the north. Descending thewestern slope at a much quicker pace than we had ascended the easternone, we arrived at Villa-Custine about sun-set, and bivouacked. On the3rd, 4th, and 5th, we continued our retrograde movement, and on the6th, occupied a position a league in front of Penaranda. On the 7th,we passed through the town of Alba-de-Tormes, crossed the Tormes by along bridge close by the town, and encamped on a sloping ridge abouthalf-a-mile from the river.
A little before sun-set on the 8th, the first brigade received ordersto re-cross the Tormes, and occupy Alba-de-Tormes, and if attacked,to defend it to the last extremity. The brigade consisting of the50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, was supported in this movement byGeneral Hamilton's division of Portuguese. On the 9th General Hamiltonmade every preparation for a vigorous defence. An old[Pg 199] castle whichcommanded the approach to the bridge was repaired, and garrisoned with150 men. The old Moorish wall which surrounded the town being in astate of complete dilapidation, was placed in a better state of repair,it being the only protection our men possessed, against an enemy inpossession of the heights, which completely commanded every part ofthe town. The latter was divided into three districts, and a districtgiven to each British regiment. The streets and various buildings werebarricaded, and that portion of each battalion which was not requiredto line the walls, were kept in reserve in the square.
The piquets of a body of British cavalry, under General Long, weredriven in on the 9th, and early on the 10th, the main body wascompelled to retire to the left bank of the Tormes. Soon after, theenemy appeared upon the heights above the town, and continued toincrease till two o'clock, when every thing being ready, they openedtheir fire upon the town from twenty pieces of cannon, and pushedforward their light troops close to the walls. During the cannonade,which continued for three hours without intermission, the Frenchinfantry, consisting of 8000 men, were repeatedly formed to carry theplace by assault. But notwithstanding the dreadful showers of shot andshell which plunged and danced in the streets in every direction,—thebold and determined manner in which the soldiers performed their duty,and the intrepidity and firmness[Pg 200] of officers commanding regiments,completely deterred them from making the attempt. The utmost effortsof the French Marshal were directed against Alba for three successivehours; when finding he made no impression on the little garrison,he withdrew his artillery, and did not again renew the attack. Hisinfantry, however, remained in position on the heights, and by keepingup a spirited fire on the garrison, caused General de-Costa's brigadeof Portuguese infantry, which was thrown into the town on the eveningof the 10th, a considerable loss, during that night and followingmorning. Our loss was considerable.
From the 10th to the 14th, the first brigade remained inAlba-de-Tormes, during which time the enemy manœuvred along the banksof the Tormes, as if desirous of crossing and bringing matters to anissue. Every preparation was made to give him a warm reception, but hisgreat superiority of force enabled him to throw his principal strengthagainst our right flank, and at length turn us out of a positionfrom which he dared not attempt to drive us.
The enemy having crossed the Tormes, a considerable distance aboveAlba on the 14th November, all the troops in Alba and neighbourhoodwere recalled and placed in position on the far-famed Arepiles. Soonafter our retreat the bridge over the Tormes was destroyed, and a fewhundred Spaniards were thrown into the castle of Alba. Every thing nowwore a serious aspect. The British,[Pg 201] or rather allied army, consistingof about 60,000 men, was concentrating its disjointed parts on theArepiles, while the French Marshal, with his eighty or ninety thousandwas pressing forward towards the same point, but more with the view,it was generally supposed, of making us retire from the position,than with any serious intention of attacking us in it, unless a veryfavourable opportunity should have offered; for the fate of Marmontand his fine army had sunk too deep into the breasts of both of theMarshals, as well as their Master, to be soon forgotten. On the eve ofsuch an event as that which almost every person considered inevitable,the army had but little to keep their spirits at that pitch, belowwhich no troops should be carried into action. The weather was worsethan we had ever found it at the same season of the year. Our men werewithout tents, their clothing was worn bare, money they had none;provisions were scarce, and the beef which was given to the troops, wasbut too frequently little better than carrion. The only thing whichtended to keep their spirits at all buoyant was the hope of givingtheir opponents another hearty drubbing. In rather a cheerful mood,therefore, the soldiers resigned themselves to rest on the evening ofthe 14th, fondly anticipating a successful termination to their labourson the following day.
The whole of the army stood to arms at an early[Pg 202] hour on the 15th, andprepared for action. From day-light the troops remained some hoursin great suspense, momentarily expecting the signal to rush to thecombat. All recollection of past sufferings had apparently vanished,and none appeared to think of any thing but victory or death. Inthe midst of all this anxiety and martial ardour, the distressingintelligence, that part of the army was making a retrograde movement,caused gloom and dismay to reign, where cheerfulness and confidencereigned before. Every one, however, was satisfied that nothing butthe most pressing necessity had compelled their chief to retire frombefore his antagonist, and therefore his mandate was promptly obeyed.In a short time the whole of the troops were on their march towardsCiudad-Rodrigo, pursued by the enemy. The allied army continued itsretreat on the 16th, 17th, 18th, and 19th. On the two former days theenemy continued to annoy us, but he gave over the pursuit on the 18th,during which a considerable portion of the army crossed the Ageuda atCiudad-Rodrigo. On the 19th, the second division crossed about threeleagues above that fortress, and in the afternoon occupied Robledo.
The allied army continuing to retire into Portugal, was soon afterthrown into cantonments along the frontiers. The second division,however, did not follow the footsteps of the others, but remained[Pg 203] inSpain. On the 28th of November we quitted Robledo, and moved to Payo,thence across the Sierra-de-Gate, on the 29th to Pyrelles. On the 30thwe occupied Cases-de-Don-Gomez, and on the 1st of December, Coria.
[Pg 204]
CHAPTER XIV.
Language is totally inadequate to convey even a faint idea of thefatigue and privations which a considerable portion of the alliedarmy suffered in this ill-fated retreat. From the 6th to the 19thNovember, our brigade suffered much. The baggage being in the rear,neither officers nor soldiers had any thing to shelter them from theinclemency of the weather. Money we had none, being eight and ninemonths in arrears of pay. The men's linen were reduced to less thanone shirt each, and their uniforms were literally composed of shredsand patches. I know nothing to which I can so aptly compare theirjackets as parti-coloured bed-covers for there were not fifty in my ownregiment but what had been repaired with cloth of every colour underthe sun. The appearance of our poor fellows was, as may be conceived,far from prepossessing when on parade. But hideous as was the spectaclewhen viewed at a distance, it became ten times more so when close tothe eye. In the former[Pg 205] case the patches only were observable;in the latter, hundreds of Burns' "crawling fairlies" were seen pacingthe exterior of the patches, in numerous bands, and although a war ofextermination was waged against them daily from sun-rise to sun-set,yet they were not finally rooted out, till we had been in cantonmentstwo or three weeks. Placed in the fields without tents to shelterthem from the mid-night blast, without a change of linen, or moneyeither to purchase that luxury, or to add to their scanty stock ofprovisions, was it possible for them to be so long exposed, night andday, to the pelting of the pitiless storm, without suffering severeprivations? Let those who doubt the fact make a trial on the firstopportunity, and be convinced.
That staff-officers are not the proper persons, however, to judgecorrectly of this, will be readily conceded by every person who mayread the following facts:—Soon after our arrival in Coria, the Marquisof Wellington addressed a letter to the superior officers of the army,in which he called upon them to pay attention to the discipline of thetroops under their command, which he, affirmed, had fallen off in theprevious campaign, to a greater degree than any army with which he hadever served, or of which he had ever read. "Yet this army,"continued the noble and gallant General, "has met with no disasters,it has suffered no privations, which but a trifling attention onthe part of the officers could not have prevented, and for[Pg 206] which thereexisted no reason whatever in the nature of the service; nor has itsuffered any hardships excepting those resulting from the necessityof being exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, at a moment whenthey were most severe. It must be obvious, however, to every officer,that from the moment the troops commenced their retreat from Burgoson the one hand, and from Madrid on the other, the officers lost allcommand over their men. Irregularities and outrages of all descriptionswere committed with impunity, and losses have been sustained whichought never to have occurred." All this was attributed by theMarquis of Wellington, not to any want of ability of the superiorofficers;—not to the want of tents, baggage money, or to a partialfailure of the objects of the campaign, but to the habitualinattention of the captains and subalterns of the army to theirduty, as prescribed by the standing regulations of the service, andby the orders of the army; though he did not question their zeal, stillless their gallantry and spirit.
That discipline was permitted to relax to a criminal degree in someregiments, I readily admit. But I cannot allow that the misconduct ofone two, three, or even a dozen of battalions could even form any thinglike a good apology for the commander of the forces in Spain, bestowingupon the others a sweeping vote of censure for offences which they knewthey had never committed. It would[Pg 207] be folly in me even to guess at theprobable object which the noble and gallant writer had in view, when heseated himself to pen the unfortunate letter of the 28th of November;but I am confident that if its promulgation had been deferred but a fewdays longer, it would never have seen the light. Instead of huddlingthe innocent and the guilty together, the Marquis would have broughtthe guilty to punishment, and besprinkled with praise in place ofcensure, those who had done their duty under every change of situationand circ*mstances.
Since, however, this course was not followed, I conceive myselfcalled upon even at the eleventh hour, to affirm thus publicly andunhesitatingly, that every officer in the regiment to which I belonged,performed their several duties with credit to themselves, and advantageto the service. And I as fearlessly assert, that throughout thewhole of the retreat, the non-commissioned officers and privatesobeyed the orders of their officers, with the same cheerfulness andalacrity for which they have ever been distinguished. Their spiritswere, no doubt, frequently greatly depressed with hunger, cold, andfatigue; yet into their manly bosoms the fell-fiend despair never founda passage. Although covered with rags and vermin, yet they never ceasedto be animated with the same ardent patriotism—the same love of theircountry, and the same thirst for glory, which they had exhibited on somany previous occasions. Under all their hardships and[Pg 208] discomforts,their hearts remained truly British. They braved every danger with themost heroic firmness, and submitted to their fate without allowing amurmur to escape their lips.
Before taking leave of this subject, I beg to make a few remarks onregimental instruction, to the almost total absence of which, at thatperiod, I conceive all the irregularities so grievously complained ofby our leader, may fairly be attributable.
From the earliest ages, military men have been of opinion, that itis during a period of profound tranquillity only, that the militaryestablishments of an empire can be thoroughly examined, and so improvedin all its parts, that its army can take the field at a moment'snotice, ready and able to repel an invader, avenge aninsult, or afford protection to a friend, when threatened with thevengeance of a more powerful adversary. Instead of improving, however,many nations renowned for their knowledge in the art of war, havetotally neglected their military institutions in time of peace, and asa very natural consequence, frequently drawn upon themselves invasion,defeat, and ruin. The Romans, for example, were often guilty of thisflagrant error, and as often punished for this act of treason tothemselves. What but a culpable relaxation in regimental discipline andinstruction, during that period of comparative inactivity, in which theRomans remained from the close of the first, to the commencement of thesecond[Pg 209] Punic War, led to all the misfortunes which befel their armies,from the entrance of Hannibal into Italy, down to the battle of Cannæ?As, therefore, what has once happened in this world of ours, may doso again, may not dangers similar to those which threatened the Romanempire with destruction, also pay us a visit, if we do not adopt thenecessary measures to counteract the baneful influence, which a periodof similar inactivity may ultimately exercise over all our militaryestablishments?
The British army never can be sufficiently grateful for the many andvaluable improvements introduced into our military system, by HisRoyal Highness the late Duke of York. For more than thirty years, thatillustrious Prince laboured incessantly to improve the discipline,increase the comforts, and raise the character of the British army inthe eyes of surrounding nations, and almost every person knows thatby diligence, perseverance, and the most assiduous attention to theduties of his office, he at length succeeded in raising its characterto a point of excellence, unequalled for discipline, bravery, andmoral worth, by any other army under the canopy of heaven. But as torevise, improve, and consolidate the various parts of the militaryestablishment of even a third rate power, is a task too arduous forany one man to accomplish, how much more difficult must a similarundertaking be in Britain, whose warriors are at this moment to befound in considerable force[Pg 210] in every part of the habitable globe? Itbeing impossible, therefore, for the Duke of York to accomplish everything called for in the way of correction and improvement, it oughtnot to excite surprise, that our military institutions should stillclaim the attention and serious consideration of the gallant and muchesteemed nobleman, who now presides over the military affairs of theUnited Kingdom.
The discipline of a battalion being invariably more or less perfect,in exact proportion as the officers are more or less qualified toconvey military instruction to those over whom they are placed, itshould be the grand object of general officers and colonels commandingbattalions, to have all the officers under their command thoroughlyinstructed in every branch of duty which they can be called upon toperform at home or abroad. This appears to me the more necessary fromthis circ*mstance, that a great proportion of the junior officershold erroneous opinions regarding those military qualifications;many of them conceiving that if they can perform a portion of theirminor public and regimental routine duties with some appearance ofaccuracy, any farther attempt at improvement in military science is anunnecessary waste of their time, which, perhaps after all, isspent in an idle round of frivolous amusem*nts. By obstinately clingingto those opinions, numerous officers not only permit year after yearto roll over their heads[Pg 211] without making one attempt to explore therich mines of military wealth, contained in the various books ofinstruction, but as a natural consequence of such egregious folly, plodtheir way through, perhaps, a long military life, more like walkingautomatons than officers, and then slip into retirement as utterlyignorant of the great leading principles of regimental discipline, asthey were on the day they first entered the service.
Besides being a source of great uneasiness to themselves, theinattention of officers to their studies must invariably lessen thegeneral efficiency of their respective battalions. With a few lessonsin the facings, wheelings, and manual and platoon exercises, anyofficer may perform the formal portion of his regimental duties;but no officer can ever arrive at any thing like a proficiency indrill, or become thoroughly acquainted with his public or regimentalduties, until he has treasured up in his memory, every rule and sectionof the book of rules and regulations for the formation and exerciseof the army. To accomplish this most desirable object, a littleapplication is all that is necessary, provided the pupil is assistedin his studies by a tutor qualified to convey military instructionin a clear and forcible manner. But if he is permitted to grope hisway through the mazes of that volume without a guide to direct him inthe proper path, it is a hundred to one, but he will be found at theexpiry of five, ten, or twenty years,[Pg 212] to have proceeded but a veryshort way from whence he started;—totally unacquainted with the groundover which he has travelled, and altogether unable to proceed one stepfarther.
I may perhaps be told that it is a part of the adjutant's duty toinstruct the young officer. I admit the fact; but in doing so mustadd, that if the adjutant discharges as he ought all the other dutieswhich more immediately belong to his situation, he will have but verylittle time to bestow on the instruction of officers. From a personalknowledge of the duties of that officer, I am so satisfied he cannotgive that attention to the instruction of the young officers which thegood of the service requires, that I have no hesitation in saying, thatthis part of an adjutant's duty should be removed from his shoulders tothose of the junior major and senior lieutenant of each regiment.
The duties of a lieutenant-colonel commandant are so numerous andimportant, that to burden him with others, which some of the juniorofficers could equally well perform, would, in effect, be to renderhim incapable of performing any one of them with credit to himself,or advantage to his battalion. And as the senior major has frequentlyto assume the command of the battalion in the temporary absence ofthe lieutenant-colonel, it would be equally imprudent, I conceive,to select him for this duty. But as the duties of the junior majorare neither many or important, I would delegate to[Pg 213] him the entiresuperintendence of all drills having for their object the instructionof the juniors, or the farther improvement of those of longer standing,in every branch of duty which they can be called upon to perform athome or abroad. And as the major, in the discharge of this honourableand important duty, would be afforded numerous opportunities ofbringing his military acquirements under the eyes of his superiors,it is obvious that he could not be appointed to a situation bettercalculated to bring him into notice in that quarter, towards which theeyes of all those who look forward to rank, and honours are continuallybent.
I would further suggest, that the senior lieutenant in each battalionshould be appointed the major's assistant, with the temporary rankof captain, and allowed the pay of an adjutant. Should the seniorlieutenant appear to the commanding-officer to be unfit for thesituation, an indulgence of a few months might be granted, to enablehim to qualify himself for it. But should he, at the expiration of thegiven period, be still deficient in the necessary qualifications, thelieutenant next in rank should be appointed; failing him, the third,and so on, until one of them is found competent to discharge as heought the multifarious duties of the office.
In regard to those lieutenants who may from inattention befound unqualified six months after[Pg 214] the promulgation of any order onthis subject, perhaps it might be prudent to transmit their namesto the Horse-Guards, in order that they might be made to attend totheir duties, or retire from the service, and make room for othersmore desirous of serving their country. At all events, a hint fromthat quarter that promotion would be stopped, if improvement did nottake place after a farther limited period, would operate powerfullyand favourably on the minds of the juniors, and by stimulating themto immediate exertion, and consequent improvement, render a futurerecurrence to harsh measures altogether unnecessary; for what officerof spirit would not sacrifice rest, comfort, even life itselfrather than return to the bosom of his family with any thingapproaching to a stain upon his character?
In order to facilitate the instruction of the young officers, I am ofopinion that a company, consisting of forty privates, and a proportionof non-commissioned officers, should be formed in every battalion andthe command of it given to the "Captain lieutenant." The men should beselected in equal portions from every company, and none but the verybest men admitted into it. This would prove a stimulus to good conduct,which, if carefully fostered, might be productive of much real good tothe service. And farther, from the high state of discipline, &c. inwhich the "Company of Instruction" would invariably appear on parade,the commanding-officer[Pg 215] would be enabled at all times to hold it upto the permanent companies of his battalion, as a pattern worthy ofimitation in every thing touching duty, cleanliness, or intelligence.
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CHAPTER XV.
On joining his regiment, the first thing to which the attention ofthe tyro is directed, is the regimental standing orders. These everyofficer should be able to repeat from memory, in order that nonemight have it in their power, first to commit a breach of them, andsubsequently to plead ignorance of them as an apology for his offence.
On giving the regimental standing orders a snug berth in his memory,the first part of the book of Rules and Regulations for the formationand exercise of His Majesty's forces, should be placed in his hand,the whole of which he should commit to memory, before he ishanded over to the drill-sergeant, to be instructed in the positions,facings, &c. Were this strictly enforced on all occasions, thepupil's progress would be greatly accelerated, and the lessons of hisinstructor rendered much more beneficial. Having acquired a competentknowledge of part first, the pupil will then proceed to part second,which he will in a similar manner commit to memory,[Pg 217] and afterwardsproceed with the company drill. On being reported fully qualified tojoin the battalion, the pupil should, previously to so doing, be ableto repeat the whole of part third, and as soon thereafter as possiblehe should be made to commit to memory the remainder of the volume.It might be considered rather unbecoming the rank and years of aconsiderable majority of the officers at present in the British army,to call upon them to repeat the Rules and Regulations, but I do thinkthat it would do no harm to call upon them for a certificate, uponhonour, that they have committed the whole of the volume to memory.The discretionary power hitherto given to officers, which leaves themat liberty either to make themselves acquainted with the Rules, &c. ornot, as they please, should unquestionably be withdrawn.
Military instruction should invariably be communicated to a pupil,whether officer or soldier, in an easy, agreeable, and rathercaptivating manner, so as to give him a relish for the service. Fora few lessons given in a clear and perspicuous manner, and aidedby a few examples from the Rules and Regulations, will forward thestudies of the recruit much more than a long period of harassing andincessant drill. Too much of the latter thaws the zeal, and lessens theinclination of the pupil to please. His tasks become irksome,—disgustwith the service succeeds,—which, in a little time, is followed[Pg 218] by adeep-rooted aversion to every thing in the shape of military duty orstudy.
It being extremely desirable that the young officer should be qualifiedto perform the duties of a subaltern, and a portion of those devolvingupon a captain, before he falls in with his company on the generalparade; the attention of a pupil might with advantage be directed tothe following regimental duties, during his progress through partsfirst and second of the Rules and Regulations. In regard to thoseduties, I may remark, that however trifling and insignificant someof them may appear, regimental officers may rest assured that theywill always find it a dangerous experiment to allow any of them toremain unperformed, or to be performed by proxy. For as thewhole range of regimental duty lies so immediately under the eyes ofthe non-commissioned officers and privates, any deviation from theprescribed regimental rules or regulations, is instantly observed,noted, and may, when least expected, rise up against them, and oppose abarrier to farther promotion.
The duty devolving on the regimental subaltern of the day, is bymany looked upon as one of form, not of utility. This is a completedelusion; for the comfort, the health of every man in the service,depends in a great measure upon the manner in which this duty isperformed. In order, therefore, that the young officer may havea correct idea of this duty, previous to his being placed on theadjutant's[Pg 219] roster, the captain-lieutenant should frequently accompanyhis young friend in a tour through the barrack-rooms early in themorning, and point out to him how the bedding should be folded up.These visits should be resumed at the hour of breakfast and dinner,when he would have an opportunity of observing the state of cleanlinessin which the floors and walls of the different rooms ought to bekept,—the manner in which the men take their places at the breakfastand dinner tables,—the respect paid to the visiting-officer,—andthe description of diet allowed to each individual. As thesubaltern of the day has also to inspect the beef and bread issued tothe men, the captain-lieutenant should accompany his pupil to the placeof delivery, and there shew him the quality which the contractors arebound to furnish of each. This would enable him to judge correctlybetween the contractors and the soldiers, and to approve or rejectsuch provisions as may be delivered to the battalion, with the utmostimpartiality. In the performance of this, as well as all his otherduties, the subaltern of the day should invariably bestow praisewhere it is merited; for one kind word spoken to the attentivesoldier, in the presence of those of a different character, hasfrequently more effect upon the conduct of the latter, than athousand of abuse.
The next duty which the pupil should attend is guard-mounting. To theeye of an experienced[Pg 220] officer, nothing can possibly convey a moredespicable opinion of a corps, than to see its officers go through theceremony of guard-mounting in a slovenly or un-officer-like manner.Indeed the character and discipline of a corps are very frequentlyestimated by the manner in which the garrison-duties are performed bythe various members. So often is this the case, that too much attentioncannot be bestowed by the captain-lieutenant, in perfecting his friendsin this particular branch of duty. As soon as a pupil is so faradvanced with his drill as to be qualified to assume the command of asection, the company of instruction should be daily formed into variousbodies representing guards, and under the command of such officers asmay be at drill, put through all the various movements prescribed forthat interesting ceremony. By adopting this course, the young officerwould be so thoroughly instructed in this duty, previous to joining hiscompany on the public parade, that he could exhibit before the firstMartinet in the world with eclat.
One of the most important duties which a regimental officer hasto discharge, is that which devolves upon him as a member of acourt-martial. In order to qualify a young officer to take his seat asa member, he is generally made to attend all courts-martial held inhis battalion, for at least six or twelve months after he joins it,and at the expiration of one or other of these periods, is ordered tobe placed on the roster as qualified for that duty.[Pg 221] To enforce theattendance of the pupil is all very proper; but to suppose that thebare attendance of an officer at courts-martial, for either of theseperiods, can qualify a thoughtless stripling to give a satisfactoryvote on questions involving in their issue, the health, comfort,character, and it may be the very existence of a fellow-creature,is the grossest folly imaginable. Is it not more probable that hisinexperience may lead him to invert the order of punishment, by givingto the greater criminal the lesser punishment, and vice versa?Unless a pupil receives considerable assistance in this part of hisstudies during his probationary drills, he never can form any thinglike a correct opinion on any case that may come before him; but on anyoccasion where the smallest difference in the crime may appear fromthose which preceded it, he will invariably be seen floundering like afish out of water, quite unable to determine whether the culprit, onbeing found guilty, should get one lash or three hundred, or one day'ssolitary confinement, or thirty.
Now, as this appears to be a state of affairs which should notbe longer tolerated, I would propose, that, accompanied by thecaptain-lieutenant, the pupil should make frequent visits to theorderly-room, ransack the pages of the regimental court-martial book,and cull from them such information as may be deemed necessary torender him an important and efficient member.
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By adopting this course, the pupil would at once perceive the natureof those crimes which a regimental court-martial can take cognizanceof. By attentively perusing the evidence produced on each trial, forand against the prisoner, in aggravation or mitigation of his crime,and then the finding and sentence of the court, he would very soon beable to form a tolerably correct estimate of the nature and degreeof punishment, awarded by regimental courts-martial for almost everydescription of crime.
From the orderly-room the captain-lieutenant should accompany the pupilto a few courts-martial, and there point out to him the military lawin regard to the precedence of members, the mode of constituting thecourt, and conducting the proceedings, and any other information whichhe may conceive necessary to elucidate the duties devolving upon themembers of every court-martial. And as members frequently decline thehonour of writing the proceedings of a court-martial, from a naturaldiffidence, or want of confidence in their own abilities, every youngofficer, on taking his seat as a member, should be made to writethe proceedings of every court-martial held in his corps, till thecaptain-lieutenant shall report him capable of doing so, without anyassistance from him.
Previous to joining his company on the general parade, the youngofficer should be fully competent to inspect the arms, accoutrements,and clothing of[Pg 223] the soldiers. For this purpose a complete stand ofarms, a set of accoutrements, and a suit of clothing, should constantlyremain in the keeping of the captain-lieutenant, by whom they shouldbe shewn to the pupil, and the use of every thing fully explained, aswell as the state of repair and cleanliness in which each article oughtat all times to be kept. Every part of the musket should be dissected,and the name and use of every thing, down to the most minute portion ofstock, lock, and barrel, should be communicated to the inexperienced,by the instructor.
It is highly desirable that the troops at home should have theirout-post duties frequently brought into view, and in a manner similarto that in which they may have to discharge them in face of anenemy. For as the largest armies are frequently under the necessityof committing their safety and honour to the keeping of very smallfractional parts of themselves, it is indispensibly necessary thatevery officer should be thoroughly instructed in the out-post duty,before he is entrusted with the command of an out-lying piquetin a position of danger. But it may be asked, how is this to beaccomplished, seeing that no part of the troops are ever employed onthis duty at home? I answer,—by attending to the hints given in thefollowing pages.
Until an officer has acquired a thorough knowledge of ground, in amilitary point of view, it is quite impossible for him to become sointimately[Pg 224] acquainted with his out-post duties as he ought to be.From various books he may receive information on the subject, butnothing beyond a little theory; and every officer knows that theoryis but the assistant of practice. In theory, it is the simplest thingimaginable to march a piquet to a given piece of ground, to post thecentinels, fell trees, and raise various kinds of works to strengthenthe post. But let any officer, without some previous instruction,attempt to accomplish these things, and he will find every thing widelydifferent. The officer, whose guide and instructor is theory, movesat all times hesitatingly,—is irresolute in all his movements,—andwhen posted, knows not whether he is right or wrong. An experiencedofficer, on the contrary, marches his piquet to the post assignedit with confidence,—perceives at one glance all the favourable andunfavourable points of the ground around him,—plants his sentries inan instant, and adopts such measures as are necessary for the securityof the whole. Let us, therefore, by a little home practice, in additionto theory, endeavour to acquire such a knowledge of this duty, as onthe day of trial will render us the trust-worthy guardians of those whomay be compelled to place their repose, their safety, and their honourin our hands.
The major and captain-lieutenant should once or twice every week,proceed with parties of officers into the country, in order to makea military survey of it for several miles around the head-quarters[Pg 225]of their corps. When advancing, the major and his assistant shouldpoint out to their friends, the strong or weak points of everyprominent piece of ground in a defensive point of view,—the mosteligible situations for defensive posts,—for raising redoubts orbreast-works,—the number of troops requisite to defend each post,—thestrong and weak parts of each,—the best mode of strengthening thelatter; and places best calculated for out-piquets.
On counter-marching, the column of course will assume an offensiveattitude. The appearance of the ground will be totally changed. Thedefensive posts established on the advance, will now fall to beattacked or turned. The major will consequently have to shew his partyhow this is to be accomplished, and after describing the various modesby which the object might be gained, he will point out those which hemay conceive deserving of a preference. If there should happen to beany houses or villages on the road, the major should give the officerssome idea of the number of troops that could be quartered in each houseor village, in case of emergency. In fine, every information relativeto out-post duty, should be fully and distinctly communicated.
As soon as the officers can take a view of the country with amilitary eye, piquets of exercise, accompanied by the major, shouldbe dispatched into the country two or three times a-week,—remain[Pg 226]out all day, and return to their quarters in the evening. Until allthe officers shall have been at least twice on this duty, those goingon piquet will require the major's assistance in the posting of theirpiquets and sentries, in doing which, he must shew them by actualexperiment that a sentry posted one yard too much to one sideor the other, may be productive of the most disastrous consequences tothemselves, and every one in their rear. And, as it is the imperativeduty of every officer to be prepared to make a brave and successfuldefence, or to effect a safe and honourable retreat, one and all ofthem should be instructed in the best and most expeditious way offelling trees;—arranging them for the defence of their posts, andraising little field-works, or other obstacles for similar purposes.When each officer shall have been twice on piquet, the major shoulddiscontinue his trips with them to their posts, but continue to givethem such instructions as he may deem necessary on marching offtheir piquets. During the day he should visit each piquet, make suchobservations on the dispositions of the officers as may be called for,and where errors have been committed, either in the choice of ground,or in planting their sentries, he must assist his friends in making amore desirable disposition of their forces.
All officers whatever, on every change of quarters should be calledupon to give in military reports of the country for several milesround their[Pg 227] posts; and as a great proportion of our officers have hadbut little experience in drawing up such documents, the major and hisassistant should superintend the efforts of the juniors, till they canperform that duty themselves with facility and correctness.
As but a very small proportion of the subaltern officers have had thepleasure of witnessing the daily movements of a large body of troopson service, perhaps the following hints regarding the marching, andquartering of those composing the second division of the allied armyin Spain, may not be unacceptable to them, particularly as the dutieswhich officers of all ranks have to perform on these occasions, cannotbe reduced to practice at home.
The second division consisted of ten British, and three Portuguesebattalions of infantry, and when formed in line, stood thus,—
1st Brigade. 3rd Brigade. 4th Brigade, Portuguese. 2nd Brigade.
50th, 92nd, 71st. 3rd, 57th, 66th, 31st. 6th Cacadores, 18th, 6th. 28th, 39th, 34th.
In forming a brigade or division, the reader will perceive that thesame rule is invariably observed. When a brigade is composed of threebattalions, the senior battalion takes post on the right, the nextin seniority on the left, and the junior in the centre; but when itconsists of four, the third in seniority forms the right centre, andthe fourth the left centre of the brigade. The senior is denominatedthe right battalion, the second in seniority the left,[Pg 228] the thirdthe right centre, and the fourth the left centre battalion. When adivision consists of three brigades, No. 1, is posted on the right,and is called the right brigade; No. 2, takes the left, and is styledthe left brigade, and No. 3, forms the centre, and is denominated thecentre brigade. But when the division is composed of four brigades,No. 3, takes post on the left of No. 1, and is called the right centrebrigade, and No. 4, being on the right of No. 2, is named the leftcentre brigade.
The following order of march was almost invariably observed. When thedivision moved right in front, the 50th regiment formed the leadingbattalion, and was followed by all the others in the order above shown;but when it moved left in front, the order of march was completelyreversed. On all occasions the division moved with a rear and advancedguard, and when the proximity of the enemy rendered it necessary, withskirmishers on each flank.
When the division was to occupy cantonments, the Quarter-master-generalof the division, the majors of brigade, quarter-masters of regiments,and a non-commissioned and intelligent private soldier from eachcompany, preceded the march of the column, that the quarters mightbe properly told of previous to its arrival. After selectingsuitable residences for the staff-officers of the division, theQuarter-master-general divided the remainder into as many parts asthere were brigades, and handed[Pg 229] a part over to each major of brigade.The latter, on setting apart houses for the brigade staff, dividedthe rest, and delivered over to the quarter-masters' of regiments,quarters according to the strength of their respective battalions.The quarter-masters, after providing suitable accommodation fortheir regimental staff, divided the remainder, and handed the properproportions over to officers commanding companies, who, after providingfor themselves, and the other officers in their respective companies,handed the other houses over to the non-commissioned officers andprivates.
When the division was to encamp, the same parties as before namedaccompanied the Quarter-master-general to the ground which it wasto occupy. When the division was to remain a few days in camp, thevarious battalions were formed in open column of companies at wheelingdistance, and when in line facing towards the enemy. When the spacewas confined, or we were to remain but one night on the ground, thecompanies were occasionally drawn up at half or quarter-distance.The men's kitchens and other conveniences were always in rear of theencampment. The company officers pitched their tents about thirty orforty paces in rear of the arms. The senior major, sixty paces inrear of the right wing; the junior major at a similar distance fromthe left; and the lieutenant-colonel still farther to the rear, andimmediately opposite to the centre of the battalion.
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Each battalion furnished a subaltern officer to take charge of itsown baggage on the march. Each brigade, a captain who took charge ofall the baggage of the brigade, and a field-officer was appointed tolook after the whole. When the division moved right in front, thebaggage animals of the lieutenant-general commanding the divisionled the way, and were followed by those of his personal and divisionstaff;—then moved the baggage of the general or other officer incommand of the leading brigade, and his personal staff. After thelatter, followed that of the lieutenant-colonel commanding the leadingbattalion;—then that of the regimental staff, followed by the baggageof the grenadier officers, and the officers of the other companies inregular succession. The baggage of the other regiments followed insimilar order. When the division moved left in front, the order ofmarch, as far as regarded company baggage was reversed, but thatof all the other officers moved as above described. The baggage of onecorps was never permitted to intermix with that of another. At theclose of every day's march, the subaltern made a report to the captainand his own commanding officer; the captain to the field-officer andgeneral commanding the brigade; and the field-officer reported to thelieutenant-general commanding the division.
Before taking leave of this subject, I beg once more to urge on theattention of young officers,[Pg 231] the necessity of their applying head andheart to their several books of instruction, if they wish to acquire acompetent knowledge of their duties, and be at all times prepared todischarge them in a manner satisfactory to themselves, and beneficialto their country. When we look back and reflect how very few officersof the hundreds of thousands who have served in the British army duringthe last two or three centuries, have acquired that knowledge of themilitary art which qualifies an officer to form the plan of a war, weare forced to conclude, either that but few officers ever attain somuch knowledge of their profession, or that opportunities have beenwanting to develope their abilities in this peculiar department oftheir art. Now, it will be readily conceded, that there has been nolack of opportunities, consequently, we are led to the opinion, thatthe want of abilities in some, but the want of application on the partof a much greater number, are the sole causes why so very few officershave risen to any thing like eminence in the art of war.
I shall be told, perhaps, that it is not at all necessary that everyofficer should be qualified to form the plan of a war. In this opinionI perfectly agree: but in doing so I cannot shut my eyes to this fact,that unless all those are able to do so, who aspire to the higherranks of their profession, they will, on a command of importancebeing offered them, be under the necessity of declining it,[Pg 232] or ofaccepting the trust, in the full knowledge of their own incompetencyto discharge its duties. To avoid the necessity of adopting eitherof those unpleasant alternatives, particularly the latter, whichmight put to hazard their own reputation and the interests of theircountry, nothing more is required from those officers who reallyintend to make the military art their sole business through life, thandiligence and assiduity in the prosecution of their military studies.Personal experience has very generally been considered the officer'sbest instructor; yet as it is a very rare occurrence for a general tohave an opportunity of attacking an enemy twice under exactly similarcirc*mstances, and as the hundredth part of those accidents and changesof position which invariably take place in battles and sieges, cannotpossibly come within the observation of one man, every officer whowishes to discharge his duties with ability, must of necessity addto his own the experience of others. This can only be accomplishedby scanning the page of history, and making himself acquainted with thememorable actions of the most illustrious warriors of every age andcountry,—a study, in the prosecution of which, the young aspirant willdiscover the rocks on which so many officers have shipwrecked theirfame and fortunes, and how the more successful commanders manœuvred,when they raised for themselves monuments of fame which will endure tothe end of time.
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CHAPTER XVI.
We had not been long in Coria, when a considerable number of our menfound a residence in hospital, and not a few of our oldest and mostexperienced officers a premature grave. Amongst the latter, wereLieutenant-General Sir William Erskine, commanding the cavalry ofSir Rowland Hill's corps; Colonel Wilson, 39th regiment, and ColonelStewart, 50th regiment; the former commanding the second, and thelatter the first brigade of the second division.
The French being also without tents, were equally tired of thecampaign, and in want of repose. Their clothing being much like ourown, they, on retiring into quarters, looked around for somethingto shelter their bodies from the inclemencies of a Spanish winter.At Bejer, a town fifteen leagues from Salamanca, and about an equaldistance from Coria, there was at that time a large quantity ofwoollen cloth in possession of a manufacturer, who had calculated ona very different issue[Pg 234] to the campaign. This the French fixed theireyes upon, and to seize upon it, an expedition under General Foy, wasprepared at Salamanca. On receiving notice of the enemy's intentions,Sir Rowland Hill ordered the 71st regiment and 6th caçadores to advancefrom Monte-Hermosa, and an adjoining village, to the aid of theinhabitants of Bejer, and the 50th and 92nd were pushed forward fromCoria to Monte-Hermosa. These movements convincing the enemy that therich prize would not be tamely given up, they thought it prudent toretire, and try whether a little undisturbed repose might not lull usinto a criminal security.
Monte-Hermosa was exclusively occupied by farmers and their dependants.The streets being extremely filthy, and in the most wretched repair, wefound it most unpleasant to be out after sun-set. Altogether it was anuncomfortable quarter; the weather being wet and extremely cold, thewindows without glass, and the apartments without fire, I declare Inever knew what it was to be warm, save when in bed, or sometimes afterdinner.
In the second week of February, General Foy made another dash at Bejer,but Sir Rowland Hill having received timely notice of his intentions,ordered the 71st and 6th caçadores to move from Banos to Bejer, the50th to Banos, and 92nd to follow as a reserve. When the 71st andcaçadores occupied Bejer on the 12th of February,[Pg 235] Foy was only a fewmiles from it; but on hearing of their arrival, he again retired. Tosecure the place against any future attack, the 50th and 6th caçadoreswere thrown into Bejer as a permanent garrison, the 71st occupied thevillages of Puerto-de-Banos, and Candeleiria, and the 92nd regimentthe town of Banos a few miles in rear. The 60th rifle company werequartered in Herbas.
A few days after this attempt had been so timeously frustrated,the hills of Bejer and Banos again rung with the dreadful note ofpreparation. Thinking to carry it by surprise, Foy advanced again atthe head of 3000 picked troops, and with so much secrecy, that he waswithin a short distance of the piquets, before Lieutenant-ColonelHarrison of the 50th regiment, then commanding the garrison, receivednotice of his approach. So unexpected indeed was the attack, that oneof the out-lying piquets was nearly surrounded before the officer incharge of it knew that the enemy was nearer to them than Salamanca.
In a few minutes after driving in the piquets, Foy was before thegates of Bejer anticipating an easy victory. But unfortunately for Foyand his followers, the several entrances were guarded by detachmentsof the old 50th, over whose lifeless trunks it behoved them to marchbefore they could accomplish their object. The attack was made withall the characteristic bravery of Frenchmen, and was repulsed withthat unflinching courage so[Pg 236] peculiar to that excellent corps. Foy'sgreat numerical superiority gave him decided advantages, but this hadan effect on the spirits of the troops, directly the reverse of thatwhich might have been anticipated, for as the danger increased, so didthe courage of the troops, till Foy, perceiving that his reiteratedattempts to penetrate into the town, were not to be attended with anyother result than a defeat, withdrew before his adversaries could turnit into a disgraceful one. Part of the garrison followed the fugitives,and inflicted on them a severe punishment for their effrontery inattempting to intrude themselves into Bejer society without permission.Foy's loss amounted to upwards of a hundred killed and wounded, andamongst the latter, was an aid-de-camp on the Staff of the General.
On receipt of the first notice of Foy's approach, Colonel Cameron,92nd regiment, then in command of the first brigade, ordered fourcompanies of the 71st regiment to move from Puerto-de-Banos to Bejer,and the 92nd to advance to a position in front of the pass of Banos,in order to be in readiness to move to wherever their services mightbe required. The former exerted themselves to be up in time, but weretoo late to take part in the action. They, however, had the pleasingsatisfaction of witnessing the flight of their foes, and the victoriousmarch of their friends from Bejer's blood-stained gates.
[Pg 237]
Banos stands in a narrow valley surrounded with rugged mountains,some of which rise in precipitous masses from the banks of two littlerivulets, one of which winds past the town on the west, and the other,after dividing the village into nearly two equal parts, joins thefirst at the lower extremity of the town, and then meanders throughthe valley, till its waters are lost in a more notable stream. Thenorthern division is situated in the Province of Leon; the southern inEstremadura. The inhabitants of this town have ever been distinguishedfor their industry, and loyalty to their sovereign, for which they havesometimes paid rather dearly. One day, soon after we entered Banos,one of our officers rather unguardedly inquired at his landlady, ifthe inhabitants of Banos were hearty in the good cause. On thequestion being put, the lady with an air of great importance, arose,walked to a window which overlooked the ruins of some houses which hadbeen burned down by the French, and then pointing to them, said, "Sir,to these I refer you for an answer."
The French on one occasion carried off the wife of one of the mostrespectable inhabitants in Banos, on the pretence that her husband wasa patriot, and did not restore her until the latter paid them severalhundred dollars. On the cash being paid, the lady returned to her homein a state of mind bordering on insanity; and at the time we tookleave of Banos, she still furnished a living[Pg 238] and melancholy monumentof the miseries which the ambition of one man had drawn down upon theinhabitants of the Peninsula.
The life of a private soldier, when on service similar to that in whichthe British troops were engaged in the Peninsula, is but too oftenone of such vicissitude, hardship, and privation, that to see thepoor fellows occasionally placed in situations where they can enjoysomething approaching to the comforts of a domestic hearth, far fromthe din of war, must, I conceive, yield to others, as it never failedto do to me, a degree of pleasure far beyond the power of languageto express. In one of those situations, our merry blades ratherunexpectedly found themselves on entering Banos, where in every housethe nut-brown knee, and weather-beaten countenance, met with nothingbut smiles, and the most marked attention. And what is still moreastonishing, the longer we remained amongst them, the more friendlydid the town's-people become, till at length the soldiers and theinhabitants of each house messed together as one family,—the formerfurnishing beef, bread, &c. and the latter pease, beans, pork, oil,garlic, and other vegetables. To show how much attached the inhabitantswere to the men, I may mention the following fact:—When Sir RowlandHill passed through the town, a day or two after the Highlanders hadleft Banos, a deputation, composed of the principal inhabitants, waitedon him, to return him thanks for the protection he had[Pg 239] afforded themagainst the enemy. Before the deputation departed, the General inquiredif they had any complaints to prefer against the regiment that had justleft them; to which the head of the deputation instantly replied,—"SirRowland Hill, had you been here when the Highlanders marched out of ourvillage, our tears would have answered your question."
Now, to what can we attribute the friendly reception which the 92ndmet with at Banos, and the subsequent kindness which they experiencedin that rural town, but to that kindred spirit which seems to possessthe breast of every mountaineer throughout the world? In all ages,and in every clime, the mountaineer has invariably been found topossess in an eminent degree that heroic courage which nothing couldshake,—no dangers appal. To enumerate those countries so distinguishedin historical record for having given birth to a hardy and intrepidsoldiery, appears superfluous; for where is the man who has notpersonally perused, or heard read over the details of those battles,the issues of which have furnished the world with decisive proof, thatin every country famed for its rocks, its hills, and its torrents,spirits, daring and adventurous as the heroes of romance, have everbeen as numerous as its male population? Scotland, for example, theland of the mountain and flood, whose snow-cap't hills formed animpervious barrier to the victorious legions of the Queen of[Pg 240] theworld, has, from the first invasion of her soil by a foreign foe,continued to send forth a race of warriors unrivalled for deeds of armson the field of strife. But why should I particularize, for in everyquarter the mountaineer has ever been distinguished for his rusticity,hospitality, and bravery. In Asia, almost the only opposition offeredto Alexander's career of conquest, was from the natives inhabitingthe mountainous regions of that extensive continent. In Spain,—inSwitzerland,—and in the Tyrol, feats of arms have been performed notless worthy the attention of the historian, than those of Leonidas andhis followers at Thermopylæ. And I conceive this no small encomium;for while the sun shall continue to perform his diurnal journey, solong will the battle of Thermopylæ be handed down from one generationto another, as one of the most splendid sacrifices ever offered upat the altar of liberty. Till the end of time the name of Leonidaswill be pronounced with veneration by the sons of liberty in whatevergeneration they may live, or in whatever clime their lot may be cast.The conduct of the Spartan king and his three hundred incomparablewarriors, at the straits of Thermopylæ, has furnished the world withthe most incontestible proofs we could desire, that a handful of men,born and reared in the lap of liberty, will never listen to proposalswhich tend to abridge their freedom, even when backed, as on thatoccasion, with millions of armed slaves. For[Pg 241] slaves, who know nothingbut a blind obedience to the will and capricious humours of theirtyrannical masters, fight not for glory,—for honour,—or liberty. No;these words have no place in the slave's vocabulary. Freemen alone knowthe true meaning of them, and knowing it, look upon every thing else asnothing in the balance. In the hour of danger, freemen despise everything but what redounds to their country's good; and when duty imposesupon them the dreadful alternative, lay down their lives with as muchpleasure as the poor slave feels reluctance in parting with his.
In the latter end of April, a military execution of a most afflictingdescription, took place in a field about half-a-mile from Banos. Thecrime for which the unfortunate young man was condemned to die, wasdesertion to the enemy, and attempting to stab the non-commissionedofficer who apprehended him. A little before the hour of execution, theregiment was drawn up so as to form three sides of a square, the otherside, as is usual on similar occasions, was left open as the placeof execution. Our chaplain being absent, the schoolmaster sergeantaccompanied the poor lad to the fatal spot, and all the way from thevillage read portions of Scripture. On their arrival at the pointassigned them, the criminal joined very audibly in singing a few versesof a psalm, and then, after spending a few minutes in prayer, the fatalcap was drawn over his eyes, and the provost-marshal[Pg 242] with his partyadvanced from the rear of the column to carry the sentence into effect.At this awfully affecting part of the scene, the whole regiment,officers and men, knelt down, and on behalf of him who then stood onthe verge of a never-ending eternity, offered up humble supplicationsto the throne of mercy. In a few moments thereafter the party fired,and in an instant the world closed upon the culprit for ever.
Previous to entering upon a new campaign, it was deemed advisable togive all those men who had enlisted in 1806, an opportunity of renewingtheir engagements, either for a limited or unlimited period. Men notabove thirty-five years of age were allowed to enlist for life, andreceived sixteen guineas. Those above thirty-five for seven years only,and received eleven guineas of bounty. As the great proportion of themhad imbibed the notion that they would not survive even the shortestperiod of service, those who could claim the indulgence very generallyaccepted the highest bounty, in order to indulge in a few Bacchanaliancampaigns, before the Gallic co*ck should have an opportunity of crowingover their graves.
John Bull has frequently been accused of possessing a prodigiousappetite for blood, aye, for human blood, and that give him plentyof it he will part with a little cash, in the shape of taxes, aspleasantly as any man in the world. I shall not say that he is guiltyof the crime laid to his charge;[Pg 243] but I do assert that he must haveviewed our inactivity in 1813, as something bordering on picking hispocket; for loud and sore grumbled John. So much so, indeed, thatmany thought he would put a Gordian knot on his purse-strings, if ourGeneralissimo did not immediately transmit him an assurance that histroops should be instantly put in motion, and neither permitted to eat,drink, or sleep, until they had placed their mouths close to those ofthe enemy's cannon, to the imminent hazard of their heads, but to thegreat delight and amusem*nt of John.
The cause of our inactivity may be summed up in a few words. Atthe close of the campaign of 1812, our cavalry and artillery werevery inefficient, from the great loss of horses in action and fromfatigue. Many battalions of infantry were miserably clothed,—theiraccoutrements considerably damaged,—and their camp equipment was in amost wretched state. From various causes their numbers had been alsoconsiderably reduced; besides the deaths, many went into hospital inNovember, who were not fit for service until the beginning of May. Ourmilitary chest required to be re-lined, our stores of provisions andammunition replenished, and our camp equipment renewed. Under thesecirc*mstances, what could Lord Wellington do but exercise his patience,till men, horses, money, and military stores could be transported tohim from England? Such were the causes of our inactivity.[Pg 244] These,however, being all removed in the second week of May, the Marquis ofWellington prepared to take the field, at the head of as fine a littlearmy as could be desired.
[Pg 245]
CHAPTER XVII.
The various parts of the grand military machine being prepared, anorder from the great master to have the whole put together, and inreadiness to move by the middle of May, at length appeared. The crisisnow approached which was either to bind Spain in eternal chains, orrescue her from the grasp of her powerful neighbour. All eyes in Spainand in England were consequently directed towards the scene of activeoperations, and with a never-ceasing anxiety, followed the movements ofLord Wellington throughout the whole of the following campaign.
On the 15th of May, Sir Thomas Graham crossed the Douro, nearMiranda-del-Douro, with the left wing of the allied army, ascendedthe right bank to the Esla, which he crossed, and then advanced uponZamora, from which, at his approach, the enemy retired towards Toro.
The second division assembled in a plain a few miles in front of Bejer,on the 20th of May. On[Pg 246] the 23d we were reviewed by Sir Rowland Hill.Lieutenant-General, the Honourable William Stewart, appeared at ourhead, for the first time, on this occasion. On the following morning weadvanced to Robeira, next day to Mattella, and on the 26th we continuedour route towards Salamanca, then in possession of a small corps of theenemy under General Villate.
Lord Wellington having formed a junction with Sir Rowland Hill,advanced with a portion of the cavalry to a height on the left bank ofthe Tormes, immediately opposite to Salamanca, and, after reconnoitringthe enemy, ordered the cavalry and some horse-artillery to cross theriver, some by the bridge of Salamanca, and the rest by a ford a littleabove it, and attack Villate, who was just leaving the city. The orderwas obeyed with cheerfulness, and success crowned the efforts of theassailants. After a pretty smart affair, the French were defeated, withthe loss of 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners. Of the latter therewere 140.
The infantry having subsequently crossed the Tormes, and encamped ina plain about half-a-mile above Salamanca, our encampment was visitedin the afternoon by a great many respectable people from the city. Theladies exhibited a considerable portion of curiosity on the occasion,many of them pulling aside the folds of our tents, without the smallestceremony, to have a full view of "Los Angleses." At first we were agood deal put about[Pg 247] by the conduct of our fair friends, for at thetime, we were attired in any thing but drawing-room costume.
Early in the morning of the 27th, commanding-officers were requestedto have their battalions in as high order as they possibly could, inorder to pass the Marquis of Wellington in review on the march. Aboutseven o'clock the head of the column moved from the encampment towardsSalamanca, the walls of which we kept on our left hand, till we arrivedat the northern gate, when, touching the road leading to Toro, we madea quarter-wheel to the right, and proceeded towards the latter.
On a height, about four or five miles from Salamanca, the Marquistook post with his numerous staff. Every battalion, as it approachedthe reviewing-general, halted a few moments to dress the companies,and then moved past in ordinary time. The morning being extremelybeautiful,—not a cloud to be seen,—the appearance of the troops wastruly magnificent. As each corps passed, the Marquis paid them someflattering compliment; and as the last company saluted, he turnedround and said, "Sir Rowland, I will take the gloss off your corpsthis campaign." How far the Marquis kept his promise the sequel willshew. Continuing our route, we arrived at Orbada in the afternoon, andencamped.
The regiments composing the second division[Pg 248] having been so widelydetached during the winter and spring months, that brigade drillcould not be enforced, without subjecting various corps to manifestinconvenience, officers in command of brigades embraced the opportunitywhich a few day's rest at Orbada afforded them, of putting the troopsthrough a few field manœuvres almost every morning. Some of themafterwards promoted games for the amusem*nt of their officers andsoldiers, and did not hesitate to take part in the sports of the day.
Every officer of proper feeling must always be anxious to acquire andenjoy a high reputation amongst his brother officers. The love ofpraise, when an officer endeavours to obtain it by the performanceof some meritorious exploit, is highly commendable; for it hasfrequently led soldiers to the performance of heroic exploits, whenall other motives have been found insufficient to carry them throughthe hazardous enterprise. But if an officer attempts to obtainpraise by a very different method,—that of courting popularitywith the men, his efforts to secure a good name can no longer becommendable, but derogatory to his character. To be familiar withthe men is to lose all command over them,—to be harsh to them,the issue will be nearly the same. But to be kind to them, withoutbeing familiar,—to attend to their comforts, and inquire into theirgrievances,—to shew them by his every act that he has their welfaresincerely at heart,—are[Pg 249] the only true modes by which an officer canhonourably obtain that popularity to which alone he should ever aspire.
We broke up from our encampment at Orbada on the 3rd of June, and thatevening reposed on the left bank of the Quarena. Here two hundredFrench prisoners passed us on their way to England, the whole beingthe lawful capture of the hussar brigade, and Don Julian Sanchez. Twoarches of the bridge of Toro having been destroyed in 1812, these, bygreat exertion, were repaired with wood by day-light on the 4th, butso temporarily, that on passing over it that forenoon, not more thanone man could pass at a time. The boards were so elastic, that but forGeneral Stewart who remained on the north side of the broken archestill all the infantry had passed, I would inevitably have fallen intothe river and been drowned. On perceiving me reeling to the left side,and quite close to the edge of the temporary erection, the Generalsprang forward and caught my hand just as I found myself on the eveof tumbling head foremost into the river. The staff and baggageanimals found their way to the right bank by a ford a little above thebridge; some of the smallest kinds were swimming. After the whole ofthe division had crossed, we moved forward five miles on the road toValladolid and encamped.
Resuming our march next morning, we advanced five leagues and encamped.Here we could neither[Pg 250] get wood nor long grass, nor anykind of substitute for them to boil our kettles. We were consequentlycompelled to apply to the chief magistrate of a town adjoining ourcamp, to hand over to us for a suitable compensation, two or threehouses to supply us with fuel. On the 6th, we moved first uponValladolid, but when within a few miles of it, we brought up ourright shoulders, and marched to Cigales. Resuming the pursuit of theflying host on the 7th, we advanced to Duennas, and encamped. Herewe were presented with a most appalling spectacle, the dead bodiesof two French soldiers lying on a dunghill, not placed there by theSpaniards, but by their own friends, and what is more revolting, one ofthem before he was dead. The dunghill was immediately under thewindow of a house which they used as an hospital. Conduct such as thisis quite unpardonable.
On the 8th we advanced to Torquemada. During the night the wind blew ahurricane, and the rain poured down upon us plenteously. Next day andthe one following, we plodded our way towards Burgos up to the kneesin mud; and after crossing the Arlanzon, on the afternoon of the 10th,encamped on a height about a league from its left bank. On the 11thwe moved forward one league to Los-Valbasas and encamped, and on thefollowing day we drew five leagues nearer to Burgos, where we expectedto have warm work. Just as our division had taken up its ground for thenight, as we[Pg 251] thought, the sound of artillery in our front called usto arms. In a few minutes we were on the road to the scene of action,but had not advanced above a mile, when we were stopped at a littledeep stream, the bridge over which the enemy had destroyed. On thisobstacle being surmounted, we crossed, and after advancing two milesfarther, halted; and in half-an-hour thereafter, were ordered to returnto the same ground on which we had originally pitched our tents. Weaccordingly retraced our steps, both wet and weary. This unseasonablelittle affair between our light troops, horse artillery, and theenemy's rear-guard, ended in favour of the former, who succeeded indriving back the latter with the loss of some killed and wounded, andone piece of artillery.
At five o'clock in the morning of the 13th of June, Joseph Bonaparte,in a fit of temporary insanity unquestionably, blew up the castleof Burgos. This unexpected act of the enemy afforded a key to hisfuture intentions, for it intimated as plainly as language couldhave done, that he had no intention of giving us battle south of theEbro. The destruction of this fortress was the first fruits of theBritish General's admirable plan of operations. Seeing that it wasJoseph Bonaparte's intention to defend the passage of the Douro, LordWellington caused Sir Thomas Graham to cross the Douro, as beforenoticed, and subsequently to hang on the enemy's right flank, in[Pg 252] orderto turn him out of every position he might occupy. The first partof his operations being attended with success, the hero of Barossacontinued to manœuvre in a similar manner all the way to the Ebro,which he crossed on the 14th at Arenas, and, by turning the enemy outof their position in the line of the Ebro, opened a passage for thecentre division on the 15th, and Sir Rowland Hill's corps on the dayfollowing.
Descending into the vale of the Ebro, the road leads first down adeep ravine, then in a zig-zag form down the face of the mountain,which is high and rugged. From the summit of the latter, the bands ofthe different battalions played some favourite airs all the way down,the rocks on each side re-echoing the shrill sounds of the trumpet,the sweeter notes of the clarion, and the wild murmuring sounds of thebag-pipe, with very beautiful effect. Bonaparte having decreed all thecountry north of the Ebro to be annexed to his dear France, the bandof each battalion on crossing the bridge, struck up the "Downfall ofParis," which, added to the cheers of the soldiers, made the hills andthe valleys ring, till from a thousand places, the latter re-echoed theglad acclamations of the happy band of British soldiers.
After crossing the Ebro, we threaded our way up the left bank, theroad on each side being hounded by the river on the left, and a ruggedand inaccessible mountain on the right. In several[Pg 253] places, the roadhas not only been cut out of the rock, but the rock actually overhangsthe road, and part of the water in more places than one. To retirefrom such strong ground without making some shew of defending theline of the Ebro, was rather astonishing. However, we were not at alldispleased with them for doing so. Having kept close to the river fortwo or three miles, we turned to the right, and after a farther marchof a league, halted, and encamped.
On the 17th we proceeded towards Vittoria, and after a movement ofthree leagues, encamped in a plain, in which we discovered a few ofour companions in a distant corner, busily engaged like ourselves inpreparing some scalding soup. On the 18th and 19th we continued movingin the direction of Vittoria, and, on the evening of the latter,encamped on a height which overlooks Miranda-del-Ebro.
On the 18th the light division came in contact with a body of the enemyin charge of stores, which they attacked, and handled roughly. The samedivision was engaged in a similar employment on the day following.On the 20th the whole closed up to within three or four leagues ofVittoria, in front of which Joseph had taken up a position on thepreceding day, with the intention of giving us battle.
[Pg 254]
CHAPTER XVIII.
A little after day-break on the 21st, the troops were ordered to bein readiness to march at a moment's notice; but whether we were tobe engaged in pursuing or combating the enemy, no one could tell.Appearances, however, were in favour of the latter; for, instead ofmarching at the expiration of the usual period allowed to intervenebetween the sounding of the warning-horn and the advance, we remainedtwo hours in camp, waiting instructions, before we could move toperform our part in the grand drama of the day. About five o'clock,however, all suspense was at an end.—To arms, resounded through thecamp. In a few minutes every man was at his post, and in a few more wewere on the road to Puebla, where we arrived about eight.
On leaving our encampment, the rain, which till then had fallen ingentle showers, entirely ceased, and soon after the sun burst frombehind the[Pg 255] gloomy curtain, to spread his cheering rays over fields yetunstained with blood,—over rivers, whose streams, meandering throughZadora's vale, were yet undisturbed by the strife of man,—to cheer thesons of freedom on their march to the field of honour, hundreds of whomwere destined, long before he had finished his daily course, to taketheir departure for that bourne from whence no traveller returns.
On quitting our camp we were still in ignorance as to the nature of theservice in which we were to be employed, but on our arrival at Pueblathe secret was of necessity communicated to us, for the enemy held theheights immediately above us, and we were then not more than threemiles from the main body of their army. On this important fact becomingcurrently known, a smile of satisfaction played on the cheeks of thesoldiers, and during the time the officers were employed in inspectingthe arms, some of the old veterans encouraged the juniors, by relatingtheir deeds of former days; others calculated the probable numbers ofthe foe; a third party—how long the battle would continue; and thewhole made themselves sure of glorious victory.
The high road from Madrid to Vittoria, which runs through Puebla,and then up the left bank of the Zadora, takes a sharp turn to theright, two miles in front of the village. Here it leaves the riverat some distance on the left, and after passing[Pg 256] through the town ofSabujana-de-Alava, leads almost straight towards Vittoria. Pursuingthis route, it was a little in front of the bend in the road that wefirst beheld the dense dark masses of the enemy, arrayed in order ofbattle, and the advanced bodies of our own and the French cavalry notmore than two or three hundred paces from each other.
The scene which now presented itself to our view was animated and grandbeyond description. On the right bank of the Zadora, and on the faceof a pretty high rugged hill, thousands of our companions were movingfrom their stations, and preparing to join us in the grand struggle. Onour right Morillo and his Spaniards were climbing the face of Puebla'sheights, and in our rear, battalion after battalion was closing up,to be ready to execute the commands of their leader. In our front thesight was imposing. Turning our eyes to the right, we beheld the leftof the French army posted on the summit of the heights of Puebla,supported by a strong body of infantry, and some pieces of artillery,a considerable portion of which was stationed in and around a clumpof trees, near to the back of the hill, and about a mile and a-halfin rear of their most advanced detachment on the heights. Immediatelybefore us stood the village of Sabujana-de-Alava, in which, and ona height a little to its right, the centre divisions of the Frencharmy were posted. This height, which partly commanded[Pg 257] the high road,as well as a great part of the river and valley of the Zadora, wasliterally covered with infantry, and at least one hundred pieces ofartillery. In a thick wood, a little farther to their right, Joseph hadthrown a considerable body of infantry to protect the passage of theZadora, and keep up an unbroken line of communication between the rightcentre divisions and the extreme right of his army, which extendedalong the river to a point rather beyond Vittoria. It is a singularfact, that instead of damping the spirits of our soldiers, the latterappeared more and more delighted, as the French battalions successivelyappeared from behind their numerous artillery. One heart and one soulappeared to animate the whole. All seemed to wish for the commencementof the engagement, not so much from a desire to brave death in the manythousand shapes in which the soldier sees the grim king on the field ofstrife, but because they had been afraid that the enemy might retire;and as a battle appeared inevitable, might ultimately occupy a positionpresenting greater obstacles to an attack, than any which they coulddiscover on the plains of Vittoria. With this feeling, therefore, andthe fixed resolution to conquer or die, the right wing of the alliedarmy moved forward in silence to begin the tremendous conflict.
At a quarter before ten o'clock, the sound of musketry, on the heightsof Puebla, announced to 150,000 warriors, that that conflict hadcommenced[Pg 258] which was to send many of their number to sleep with theirfathers. As in almost every action fought in a mountainous district,this one was ushered in with the usual—pop,—then pop-pop,—afterwardspop-pop-pop-pop, and so on, till these ominous sounds ended in generalvollies, accompanied with the British cheer, or French Vive l'Empereur,as the tide of success for the time influenced the feelings of theparties. General Morillo, with the 5th Spanish army, being on theright, was the first to lead the way. His troops having acted forsome time in conjunction with the corps under Sir Rowland Hill, wereconsidered superior to almost every other body of Spaniards underthe immediate command of Lord Wellington. Indeed, when commanded byMorillo in person, they were looked upon as nearly equal to the seconddescription of Portuguese infantry. On this occasion they shewedthemselves possessed of many valuable qualities, but then these wereneutralized by the want of confidence in their officers; for withthe exception of the chief himself, and a few more of the superiorofficers, the men really had no confidence in them. Upon the whole,however, they attacked with spirit, and drove back the enemy in prettygood style. But the superiority in point of ground, and latterly innumbers, would have given the French a decided advantage over theiropponents, had not the 71st British regiment, and light companies ofthe second[Pg 259] division arrived on the heights soon after the actionbegan, to support our allies. This seasonable reinforcement enabledMorillo to continue his offensive operations, till every post which theenemy occupied on the heights at the commencement was taken from them.In this little brush Morillo was wounded, the French Commandant wasmade prisoner, and the brave Cadogan received his mortal wound.
The heights of Puebla were no sooner in our keeping, than the FrenchMarshal perceived the value of the prize of which his bungling conducthad deprived him. To regain the key of his position, therefore,his efforts were for two hours afterwards almost exclusively directed.This led to the following interesting operations:—
The enemy's intentions were no sooner discovered, than fresh troopswere dispatched to the assistance of the Spaniards and British lightinfantry on the heights. The 50th and 92nd regiments were the firstto proceed on that duty, and had almost gained the summit of themountain, when they were ordered to retrace their steps. But theyhad not descended more than half-way, when a third order stopped theretrograde movement, and separated the battalions; the former receivinginstructions to proceed to its original destination on the heights,and the latter to move across the face of the hill, and drive back abody of about 4000 French infantry, which had been pushed forward[Pg 260] toform an advanced link in the chain of communication between the troopsstationed within and around the clump of planting, and those to beemployed in the recapture of the heights, about 7000 in number. Theseparation of the 50th and 92d regiments was not much relished by thesoldiers of either corps, but there being no alternative, part theydid. The former clambered up the face of the hill, till arriving atthe summit, they wheeled to the left, and proceeded along the ridgeabout half a-mile, till they arrived at the brink of a deep ravine,which ran quite across the hill, a little above, and to the left ofthe column which the 92d were about to attack. Here the Spaniards layalong the face of the mountain, and with the 71st on their right, wereengaged in a tirailleur fire with the enemy. On taking leave of the50th, the 92d regiment descended the hill a few hundred yards, andthen, after wheeling a quarter-circle to their right, directed theirmarch towards their opponents, who were posted on a ridge severalhundred yards distant, in our progress to which we moved through fieldsof wheat, considerably taller than any of our men, and over ditchesso thickly lined with thorns and briars, that the blood ran tricklingdown many of the soldier's legs, long before we arrived at the base ofthe eminence. On crossing the last ditch at the foot of the hill, thebattalion loaded, then advanced in line, slowly, and with a firm pace,every moment expecting[Pg 261] a glimpse of the enemy, from whom they lookedfor a volley, by way of a friendly welcome to the summit of the mossyridge. With breathless anxiety we pursued our course; not a whisperwas heard—all was still as death—save when our Colonel, riding alongthe line, addressed his followers, some in English, others in Gaelic,calling upon them to be firm, resolute, and steady, and on no accountto throw away their fire till they had an object in view. He also urgedthem to be silent till the order to charge was given, when the wholewere to join in the good old British cheer, till they came in contactwith the enemy, or the latter had fled, when they were again to resumetheir former silence. Full of hope, joy beamed on every countenance,till on arriving within a short distance of where the foe wereoriginally posted, we beheld our antagonists formed on another height,some distance in rear of the one they had occupied, to which they hadrather precipitately retired during our advance. To hazard an opinionas to what would have been the result of the conflict had the enemy notretired, may be considered superfluous. But I may say, that as therewere no more troops belonging to either nation, who could have beenbrought into play for nearly a quarter of an hour, the two parties,left to settle their own quarrel, would no doubt have consideredthemselves fairly pitted against each other, in order that the prowessof Frenchmen and Scotsmen might be put to a proper test, in the face of150,000[Pg 262] of their respective countrymen and their allies, and that asthe issue was to settle the claims of each party, it is but natural tosuppose that a severe and bloody action would have taken place.
General, the Honourable William Stewart, commanding the seconddivision, arrived just as we had gained the top of the ridge.Finding the enemy had retired, he ordered us to form column atquarter-distance, and then ordered two Spanish pieces of artilleryto a rising ground on our right, to cannonade the enemy at the clumpof planting formerly mentioned. This drew upon us the fire of aFrench battery on the left of the wood, which caused us the loss of asergeant, corporal, and some privates. During the cannonade, GeneralStewart, addressing Colonel Cameron, said, "Poor Cadogan, I regretto hear, is mortally wounded. The French are pushing strong columnstowards our right,—they must be opposed." Then waving his hand, soas to describe a half-circle in his front, the General continued,"In front, Colonel, it is all sunshine—all sunshine:—it is on theheights of Puebla the battle must be fought. Being now the seniorofficer in the first brigade, you will instantly proceed thither withyour battalion,—assume the command on the heights,—yield it to nonewithout a written order from Sir Rowland Hill or myself,—and defendyour position while you have a man remaining." Then taking a pencilfrom his pocket, he wrote an order to the above effect—the shot and[Pg 263]shell flying about his ears all the time. To receive this order,Colonel Cameron left an officer with General Stewart, and with hiscorps proceeded towards the scene of action on the heights, where, asthe sequel will shew, both were much wanted.
Sometime previous to this movement being made, Sir Rowland Hill hadattacked the French advanced posts in front of Sabujana-de-Alava,for the double purpose of preventing them sending more troops to theheights, and taking possession of the village, should an opportunityoffer. The second and third brigades of the second division wereaccordingly ordered on this service, and conducted themselves withtheir usual gallantry. They advanced with great firmness and bravery,but being opposed to men who knew what was required of soldiers onthe field of battle, their first efforts were not crowned with thatsuccess which their conduct merited. However, this did not in theleast degree depress their spirits. Again they advanced and gainedground, but were once more forced to retire. During these, and manyother attacks which followed, it was truly interesting to witness thecool bravery displayed by the assailants, who, after every successiverepulse, advanced to the very muzzles of their opponent's pieces beforethey gave their fire. As the wave, when foiled in its attempt to forceitself over the boundary which nature has set for it, recedes but toreturn with increased force, so were the assaults of our friends[Pg 264]renewed, till by the most praise-worthy perseverance and heroicbravery, they finally carried their point, and established themselvesin the village of Sabujana-de-Alava. It would be an act of injustice,however, were I to omit to state, that the vanquished also did everything in their power to ensure a different result. More devoted braverythan that which was exhibited at this point, by both parties, is butseldom seen on a field of battle.
A considerable time before the village fell into our hands, the 92dregiment had arrived on the heights, and taken part in the operationsin that quarter. Ascending the hill in an oblique direction, the 92dfirst touched the summit of it at a point about half a-mile in rear ofthe post occupied by the 50th regiment. Immediately in front of thelatter, a deep ravine ran quite across the mountain, the western sideof which was in possession of the 71st and 50th regiments, and theopposite bank in that of the enemy. The western slope was extremelyabrupt, and from the bottom of the ravine, really of difficult access.In possession of such a position, in the face of an enemy greatlysuperior in numbers, common prudence would have dictated that thebest policy was to remain on the defensive. Unfortunately, however,Lieutenant-Colonel R——, was not of that opinion. Being the seniorofficer on the heights after the fall of Cadogan, he, contrary tothe advice of the field-officers of the 71st regiment, ordered thatcorps to[Pg 265] cross the ravine, and attack a portion of the enemy's troopsoccupying a position on the northern slope of the hill. With sadpresages of the consequences, the gallant Light Bobs set out on theirperilous excursion. Perceiving their intention, the enemy formed twobodies of infantry, in order to kill, wound, or capture the whole ofthe assailants. These corps were kept out of view of the British: andas the latter moved round the northern, the former kept moving roundthe southern slope, till being nearly in rear of the 71st, they sprungupon them like tigers, pouring on them vollies of musketry, which mademany, both officers and men, bite the dust. To extricate them fromthis perilous situation, it required the full exercise of all thegood military qualities which the whole body of the 71st were knownto possess. From the number of killed and wounded, it was afterwardsevident that in their unrivalled exertions to escape from the fangs oftheir opponents, the 71st had not been sparing of their powder. Butwhat could they achieve against such odds? To rejoin the 50th was theutmost they could hope for. To that point, therefore, they directedtheir steps. To the same point the French troops were marching, and hadpartially turned the left of the 71st, when the 92d arrived to takepart in the struggle.
On procuring a firm footing on the heights, the 92d halted for aminute, till the rear closed up, and then in open column of companiesright in[Pg 266] front, was hurried along at nearly a double-quick pace,till it arrived within two hundred yards of the 50th. Time beingprecious, we were ordered to form line on the right centre companywithout halting. As soon as the four leading companies had filed sofar to their right, that the right centre one could move forward atthe double-quick step, Colonel Cameron placing himself on the leftof that company, called to the piper to play the Gathering of theCamerons, and then addressing the officer who led that company, said,"Now, push forward in double-quick time, and give it to them sweetly."During the advance, a dread silence reigned through the ranks, themen's thoughts being employed in the business on which they were tobe engaged. Animated by the presence of their chief, and the warlikesounds of their favourite bag-pipe, the men advanced with a frontfirm as the rocks of their native mountains, to meet the foe flushedwith a temporary success over their countrymen. The re-union of thetwo regiments, the 50th and 92d, caused the most lively sensation. Asthe latter approached the right of the former, the whole of the 50th,officers and men, joined in three hearty cheers. On arriving at theverge of the western bank of the ravine, up which the French troopswere scrambling, the Highlanders, on perceiving the latter, firstpoured down upon them a shower of shot, then re-echoed the cheersof their friends on the left, and, with the rapidity[Pg 267] of lightning,despatched a second volley into the thickest of the enemy's ranks,which had the effect of making them fly precipitately down the brow ofthe ravine,—the living on their feet, and the dead in the manner ofround logs of wood. This rapid movement secured a safe retreat to the71st regiment, which now slowly retired to a position on our right.
This unfortunate attempt to regain possession of the heights, didnot deter the enemy from making another trial. The beatentroops were moved round the northern shoulder of the hill, on theeastern bank of the ravine, and a fresh body of infantry, in totalignorance of the dangers they had to encounter, carried round thesouthern, to assault us in the same position from before whichtheir companions had so recently been driven. In about half an hourthe head of the French column began to descend the opposite eminence,to check which, a few light troops kept up a smart fire of small arms;but the others, arranged along the brink of the ravine in a sittingposture, were ordered to slope their muskets to the rear, and to remainin this position till the enemy had arrived within twenty or thirtypaces of them, when the whole were to stand up, and bestow upon theassailants as many pepper-corns as they could conveniently spare.These orders were admirably obeyed. Not a whisper was heard—scarcelya shot was fired—during the interval between the crossing of the[Pg 268]ravine by the enemy, and their arrival near the summit of the bank.As before, however, silence was broken on our lads resuming theirstanding position, and giving the foe their first fire. The scene whichfollowed was equally animated as that which preceded it. After a smartrencounter, in which the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments took part, theFrench, as before, were driven back with considerable loss.
The fugitives, as on the former occasion, were withdrawn round thenorthern side of the hill, and a third column of attack formed onthe southern side, to make another dash at us, in order to obtainpossession of that position which they should never have lost. In thishis last effort, the enemy was far from exhibiting the same spirit asin the two former ones, although he made a much greater display of hisnumerical force. In order to intimidate us, masses of infantry crownedthe height, but none of them moved forward to support the troopsadvanced towards us, whose efforts were feeble, and altogether unworthyof themselves. This we attributed to the situation of their affairs inthe centre, which a short time before had begun to take an active partin the business of the day.
Sir Rowland Hill being in possession of Sabujana-de-Alava, the 3d, 4th,7th, and light divisions crossed the Zadora between twelve and oneo'clock at various points, a little in front of the enemy, and attackedtheir centre, and right centre columns[Pg 269] with much gallantry—SirRowland Hill doing himself the honour of waiting on the French leftcentre divisions in a similar manner, accompanied with the troopsunder his personal command. From this period, down to four o'clock,events of the most important and interesting description were everymoment taking place along the whole of Zadora's vale, from where theHero of Salamanca issued his mandate to his followers,—to that spotwhich the Hero of Barossa was deluging with blood, in order to cutoff the communication of the enemy with France by the principal anddirect road to St Jean-de-Luz. But who will attempt to describe theseevents, as viewed by us from the blood-stained heights of Puebla? Iconfess myself unable to do so as they ought. Let any man fancy himselfstanding on the summit of a high hill, looking down on a plain coveredwith 150,000 men, from 10,000 to 15,000 horse, and from 300 to 400pieces of artillery vomiting fire and death in every direction, andthousands of the infantry pointing their deadly weapons at each other,the space between the belligerents barely permitting them doing sowithout crossing the muzzles of their pieces,—and he will have somefaint idea of what passed on the plains of Vittoria, and be able topaint in imagination a few of those extraordinary scenes to which wewere witnesses.
The admirable manner in which the troops employed against the enemy'scentre moved forward[Pg 270] to the assault, was the theme of generaladmiration among all ranks on the heights. Joseph Bonaparte and hisMajor-General, Marshal Jourdan, had been at great pains to strengthenthis part of their position, aware that if they were driven from itthe battle was lost. Every little eminence literally bristled withcannon, behind which 40,000 infantry at least were drawn up in densemasses, ready to pounce upon all who should attempt to attack them.The French troops being formed within a very narrow space, the servicein that quarter during the early part of the action was extremely hot.Notwithstanding the cool and determined conduct of our companionsin their first rencounter, it was not at all surprising that thethundering of the cannon, and cheers of the combatants, should in alittle time produce feelings, which none but those who were on theheights can at all describe. Although we never had the smallest doubtas to the issue of the battle, yet I confess that it was with equalpride and pleasure that we beheld from the heights a wavering in someof the enemy's battalions, about half an hour after the engagementbegan in the centre. Yes, it was with pleasure, for so close andmurderous was the conflict in that quarter, that had not the enemygiven way, thousands more of our countrymen must have fallen under theterrific fire of their opponents,—it being well known that Frenchinfantry will sustain a discharge of musketry for a long time[Pg 271] withunflinching courage. We were, therefore, not at all disappointed toperceive that our small arms made sometimes but a feeble impressionon their ranks. For, in the first place, it convinced the soldiersthat they were opposed to troops against whom they would require touse all the physical, as well as moral courage which they possessed;and the officers that something besides powder and shot would have to be employedbefore the French infantry could be forced from their stronghold. Forsome time, therefore, volley succeeded volley, and the discharges fromthe artillery rolled in a terrific manner along the vale, withoutproducing any result beyond that of winding up the spirits of our mento the highest pitch to which the bravery of men can be screwed. One ofthe finest qualities which British soldiers possess, is, that on alloccasions their courage invariably rises in proportion to the exertionsrequired of them, a quality which was never more nobly exhibited thanon the plains of Vittoria. On going into action, almost every soldierresolves to be in possession of the laurel leaf, or a grave, beforeit is done. On this occasion they were unanimous. Never was there afiner field offered them to shew their unanimity than Vittoria, andnever did they exhibit it to greater advantage. Proud of his followers,and unwilling to throw away any more of their precious lives than wasabsolutely necessary, Lord Wellington gave orders to make use of aweapon, at all times irresistible in the hands of[Pg 272] British troops. Thebayonet, brought to its proper position, was therefore directed tobend its course towards the hitherto immoveable columns of the enemy.Firmly the latter awaited the coming storm, apparently resolved tobrave the furious onset. "Vive l'Empereur," ran along the line with therapidity of lightning; but in wishing long life to their sovereign, thesoldiers were not unmindful of their own, and consequently, as soon asthe hostile lines approached close enough to make use of the steel, theenemy uniformly gave way.
From the first partial breaking of the French line in the centre, thescene of active operation took a wider range. The enemy driven fromtheir vantage ground, and perceiving their principal communicationwith France seriously endangered, at once resolved to make every hedgea rampart, and every ditch or rivulet a river, and to defend them tothe last extremity, to give time to their baggage and their artilleryto draw off towards Pampeluna. Arranging themselves, therefore,behind the various ditches and hedges which intersected the fields inevery direction, they compelled the British troops to extend theirlines also, in order to oppose a front equal to that of the enemy.Interesting as were the first operations when viewed from the heightsof Puebla, those which succeeded were much more so. The salvos ofartillery indeed were neither so frequent nor so appalling, but thevollies of musketry were more numerous, and[Pg 273] that beautiful mode offiring, called "running fire," was practised on a scale of greatermagnitude than had ever before been witnessed by any British officer.How often, during the awful struggle, did I witness the Britishsoldiers walk up to the brink of a ditch, behind which their opponentswere arrayed, and in the most cool and determined manner, cross theirpieces with the latter before they gave their fire. On those occasionsthe conflict invariably assumed a sanguinary aspect, for the ditchesbeing generally too deep for our men to pass in face of an enemy, theFrench always remained on the opposite side, and kept up a smart fireof musketry, till our artillery or cavalry could be brought forward todislodge them. In this manner the battle raged in the centre from oneo'clock till four, by which time the French had been pushed back almostto Vittoria, where all was confusion and dismay, and from whence Josephand Jourdan were flying to secure their personal safety.
From Lord Wellington's mode of proceeding on the right and in thecentre, it was evident that he relied not a little on the faithfulexecution of that part of the operations entrusted to Sir ThomasGraham, for the success of his enterprise. When the hour passed atwhich the latter was to attack, (one o'clock) Lord Wellington appeareduneasy, and I believe despatched more than one courier to ascertain thereal cause of Sir Thomas Graham's[Pg 274] non-appearance. Be this as it may,it was not long after the hour when Sir Thomas brought his men intoaction, and began that struggle, the issue of which destroyed all thehopes of the enemy, and turned a simple defeat into one of the mostcomplete routes recorded in history.
The French infantry on the heights seeing that all was lost in thecentre and on the right, began to execute a retrograde movement betweenfour and five o'clock. On their intentions being discovered, the firstbrigade, 50th, 71st and 92nd regiments, and two Portuguese brigades,which had arrived on the hill sometime before, gave chace to thefugitives, but so superior were the enemy at this game, that in anhour and a-half we entirely lost sight of them, although we ran almostall the way. On mentioning this circ*mstance to a French officer oneday, he said, "I will back my countrymen against all the soldiers inthe world in a race of that kind." Continuing the pursuit, we passedVittoria, and at eleven o'clock, P.M., bivouacked in a field a leagueand a-half in front of it. By this time the night was so dark, that itwas with difficulty we could discover the person immediately before us.Notwithstanding this, however, the troops who had been opposed to eachother in the centre and on the left during the day, seemed unwilling torelinquish the honourable avocation of killing and maiming one another,for the deadly[Pg 275] strife continued in those quarters till eleven o'clockin the evening.
The price paid for this splendid victory was, from four to fivethousand British and Portuguese killed and wounded. The loss of theFrench was never accurately ascertained, but was estimated at fromten to fifteen thousand killed, wounded, and prisoners. All theircannon, save two pieces, and all their baggage, money, ammunition, andprovisions fell into our hands.
[Pg 276]
CHAPTER XIX.
The British General who pointed out the road to victory on the 21st ofJune, has by many been denominated a military quack, who never gained abattle but by sheer blundering. This assertion, no less ridiculous thanfalse, I shall not notice farther than to remark, that the Emperor ofthe French must at one time have entertained a similar opinion of ourunrivalled General's military talents, otherwise how can we account forhim appointing a general to the chief command in Spain who was totallyunfit for the station he occupied at Vittoria. On perusing the detailsof the battle what opinion will military men of later times entertainof Marshal Jourdan's abilities as a general when they discover thathe posted a few light troops only on the heights of Puebla, when theyshould have been crowned with a force sufficiently numerous to haveheld them against all mortal flesh? What opinion will they have of hismilitary qualifications, when they read, that he permitted[Pg 277] his rightwing to be driven from his principal and direct line of communicationinto France, when to have preserved which, next to beating hisantagonist, should have been his principal object. What will they thinkof the Hero of Gemappe, when they perceive that he not only allowed hiswings to be turned, but thrown back upon his centre, and his whole armyultimately forced back upon an outlet, not broader than was necessaryto secure the retreat of one of his divisions, on such an emergency?Why, that he was a person perfectly incompetent to command an army ofsixty or seventy thousand Frenchmen against such an adversary: for bythe first error he placed the key of his position in our hands,—bythe second, he barred the door of the principal outlet from the fieldagainst himself,—and by the effects produced by these, his army washuddled together, and in a short time became such an ungovernablemass, that he had latterly no other alternative than to abandon hisartillery, stores, &c. in order to preserve his cavalry and infantryfrom entire destruction.
In the company which I had the honour to command in 1813, there was aman named Walsh, whose character was so tainted, that not a soldierin the company would associate with him. Whether designedly, orthrough neglect, I will not pretend to determine, but on inspectinghis arms at Puebla, I found his bayonet bent like a sickle. Enragedat his conduct, I reprimanded him sharply; but instead[Pg 278] of expressingregret for the offence, Walsh turned his head as I was moving off, andmost unfeelingly said, "What am I to do with the bayonet, Sir? if wecharge to-day I will not be able to thrust it into any Frenchman'sguts." This ruffianly speech caused a thrill of horror to runthrough the company like a shock of electricity. On our march fromPuebla towards the scene of action, Walsh's whole conversation wasnothing but a connected chain of blasphemous sentences. Oath succeededoath, with such frightful rapidity, that his companions at lengthbecame horror-struck. In this state of mind he went into action on thelower part of the position, where the shot and the shell plunged aroundhim without producing any visible amendment. The regiment proceededto the heights, Walsh all the way pursuing a similar course, ventingcurses on all and every thing around, above, and below. When we hadarrived within about two hundred yards of the 50th, and before anyone had heard the sound of a ball at that point, the unfortunatewretch, in the very act of uttering a dreadful torrent of blasphemy,fell a lifeless corpse, his head having been perforated by a musketball. Walsh's sudden and striking exit from this to another world,furnished conversation to his companions during the remainder of theday. His death was viewed by them as a striking manifestation of thedivine wrath for his numerous and heinous offences against the Authorof his being.
[Pg 279]
Between the second and third attacks on the heights of Puebla, thepay-sergeant of the company, accompanied by a corporal and private,requested my permission to bring Walsh's knapsack from the rear, anddispose of its contents by auction, for behoof of his family. Highlyapproving of this admirable display of feeling on the part of thecompany, I waited on Colonel Cameron, and solicited permission for thesergeant to go and take the necessaries from the dead man's back. Quitedelighted with the idea, the Colonel readily gave his sanction. In afew minutes the auction began; the biddings went on with life, till thewhole was disposed of. By this praise-worthy act thirty-one shillingswere added to the balance due to the deceased, and remitted to thewidow. Two officers of the 50th, who were standing beside me during thesale, declared, with tears in their eyes, that it was one of the mostsingular and beautiful exhibitions they had ever witnessed. Singular itundoubtedly was; for in the annals of warfare it was perhaps the onlypublic auction ever attempted amidst the roaring of artilleryand vollies of musketry.
A young lad belonging to the sixth company committed a singular actof cowardice at Vittoria. On ascending the heights, he, under somefrivolous pretence, fell out, but forgot to rejoin his comrades.In a few days thereafter, notice arrived from an hospital in the rear,that he had received such a[Pg 280] bad wound in the hand that amputationhad been performed at the wrist. On investigating into the matter, itturned out, that in order to avoid the chance of being hit inaction, he had actually inflicted a wound on himself which might haveproved mortal. Thus, to avoid the possibility of dying the deathof the brave, he imprinted the stamp of the coward on his person, andsuspended round his neck a load of ignominy and dishonour which canonly be hid in the grave.
When inspecting the arms of the first company, a young lad who hadnever been in action before, stepped up to the captain of it, andinformed him he was so unwell that he would be obliged to fall out.On inquiring the nature of the complaint, Captain C. received foranswer, "A sair wame, Sir." Conceiving that all was not right,Captain C. was induced to walk with him to Colonel Cameron, who, ontaking the sick man by the shoulder, and causing him to face theheights of Puebla, pointed to some French sentries on their summit,and then inquired if he saw them. Replying in the affirmative, theColonel then said, "Well, my man, those fellows you see on the top ofthe hill are the best doctors in the world for complaints likeyour's," and raising his voice he continued, "and by —— if I liveyou shall consult them this day!" Covered with shame, poor B. rejoinedhis companions, moved forward with them in very depressed spirits, butduring the action was one of the keenest spirits[Pg 281] in the fray, and everafter his Captain had more difficulty in restraining his courage thanhe had in rousing it into action at Vittoria. This little incidentshews most unequivocally, that in going into action for a first time,young soldiers should invariably be incorporated with old ones. For hadthis youth been allowed to retire, under the feigned plea of sickness,he would have remained a coward ever after.
A French colonel, commanding a portion of their light troops on theheights of Puebla, finding the ground unfavourable for equestrianexercise, sent his charger to the rear a little before the actionbegan. Being a very corpulent man, his running pace was that of a duck,which of all others is the worst calculated to carry a person out ofthe clutches of a light bob. Seeing there was no possibility ofmaking his escape, the Colonel wheeled round, and surrendered himself aprisoner. Perceiving him covered with a profuse perspiration, our ladswere ill-mannered enough to indulge in a hearty laugh at his expense.Seeing he was the butt of the group, the worthy representative of SirJohn Falstaff very good humouredly remarked to an officer of the 92dregiment on surrendering his sword, "O God! O God! what a fool was I topart with my horse. For the want of it now I have become your merryman."
Colonel Cadogan, of the 71st, who fell on the heights of Puebla, wasleading a charge of his light[Pg 282] troops when he was hit. The Colonel hadturned round to cheer on his followers, and had just repeated, "Welldone, well done, brave Highlanders!" when the intrepid leader, mortallywounded, fell from his horse into the arms of a kindred spirit, CaptainSeton, commanding the light company 92d Highlanders, son of the lateSir William Seton of Pitmidden, Aberdeenshire.
Yes, tho' too soon attaining glory's goal,
To us his bright career too short was given;
Yet, in a glorious cause, his phœnix soul
Rose on the flames of victory to heaven.
[Pg 283]
CHAPTER XX.
In the afternoon of the 22d, the second division moved from its bivouacin front of Vittoria, passed through Salvateira, and towards the "weeshort hour ayont the twal," encamped in a wood a few miles in frontof it. During the march we were every moment presented with numerousevidences, animate and inanimate, of the total wreck of King Joseph'sroyal fortunes. Around, and on every side of us, lay men and horses,dead and dying, waggons of all descriptions, some overturned andemptied of their contents, others on their wheels, and filled withletters unopened and unheeded, although written to please the tasteof every one in the army, being addressed to officers and soldiers ofall ranks, from Jourdan down to the youngest drum-boy, on subjectsgrave, gay, and voluptuous. On passing a tremendous pile of letters, Ipresented a handful of them for acceptance to the Marquis of Almeida;but after a long tirade against Bonaparte, he politely declared that hewould not[Pg 284] soil his fingers with them. The Marquis' hatred tothe French was only equalled by that of Prince Blucher.
On passing Salvateira, our men were repeatedly invited by a dragoon,dressed in the uniform of a hussar, to join him in a full-flowing can,and he would "pay the piper." Our lads having expressed some doubtsas to their new friend's ability to perform his promise, the latterinstantly pulled from his boot a doubloon, and holding it up, told thesceptics that his boots were filled with similar pieces. How the cashcame into the possession of the hussar it is for him to say; but Ithink we may infer that he obtained it without running any great hazardof losing a life, which, as a soldier, was worth nothing.
From the earliest period to the present, the armies of every nationhave contained men who, unless narrowly looked after in action, aremore apt to make war against the effects than the personsof their enemies. To people of this stamp no leniency should at anytime be shown, for in whatever light we may view a military plunderer,he must invariably appear to us dressed in the despicable garb of atraitor to his friends, his sovereign, and his country.
If soldiers would reflect on the ignominy which attaches to the nameof a plunderer, and permit themselves to contrast his character withthat of a soldier who retires from the service covered with honour,[Pg 285]no man, possessing the feelings of a real soldier, would for amoment hesitate what course to pursue. The soldier who has dischargedhis duties faithfully and honourably, plods his way towards home witha breast swelling high with native pride, and when relating to a groupof admiring relations and friends around the domestic hearth, hishair-breadth 'scapes by flood and field, receives their congratulationson his safe return, and hears their murmurs of applause, without thesmallest blush on his cheek, being conscious that he has done hisduty, and that none can upbraid him with one dishonourable act. Widelydifferent indeed must the situation of the military plunderer be onarriving at his native place. There the bitter cup of self-convictionwill invariably rise to his lips, and choak his utterance as often ashe attempts to impose upon his friends with tales of war, in which hewishes them to believe he acted an honourable part. There he will spenda life of unceasing misery and extreme wretchedness; for although hemay be removed far from any of those companions whose evidence couldrise up in public against him, still the never-dying conscience willhourly remind him of the humiliating fact, that he had forfeited allpretensions to the designation of a soldier. Soldiers, therefore, woulddo well to bear these facts in constant remembrance, and unmindful ofevery thing save their honour, conduct themselves at all times,and under all circ*mstances, in such a manner,[Pg 286] that, on retiring fromthe busy scenes of a military life, they may have it in their power tosay,
"The wars are o'er, and I'm returned,
My hands unstained with plunder."
Sir Thomas Graham having been ordered to advance towards the Frenchfrontier, by the high road leading from Vittoria to Irun, came upwith a French corps at Tolosa, which he attacked and defeated withconsiderable loss. After this rencounter, he continued his route, drovethe enemy across the Bidassoa, and invested San Sebastian.
It being nearly four o'clock in the morning of the 23rd before ourbaggage arrived in camp, we had just thrown aside our wet clothes, andgone to rest, when those pests of every soldier's nocturnal repose—thebugles—again called us to arms. Although our sleep was short, yet arather comfortable, but hurried repast, enabled us to strut away asgay as larks. But our gaiety unfortunately was short-lived, for inhalf-an-hour the rain again descended in torrents, and for five hourspelted us severely. Had we been moving, the rain would have given uslittle trouble. But by some unexplained mistake we were kept nearlyfive hours under arms, half-a-mile from where we started, when we oughtto have been under cover of our canvass. Such mistakes should neverescape censure, for the health of an army is of paramount importance toa general, and it must be injured by a[Pg 287] few hours unnecessary exposureto a deluge of rain. Resuming our march, we drew two leagues nearer toPampluna and encamped.
The Marquis of Wellington having pushed forward with the third, fourth,and light divisions towards Pampluna, the second and sixth divisions,and General Hamilton's division of Portuguese followed their friendsat an early hour on the 24th. In the afternoon we were visited by atremendous thunder storm. The lightning appeared before, behind, andon every side of us, in every shape which the electric fluid can beexhibited to the eye of man. The lightning flashed, and the thunderin terrific peals rolled over our heads in a manner so grand, yetappalling, that language is insufficient to convey to those who didnot witness it, even a faint idea of the awfully sublime spectacle. Attimes the thunder growled for a few moments in a threatening manner,and then burst so suddenly upon our ears, that it was no uncommon thingto see numbers bending their heads, while the artillery of heaven wasexpending its wrath. About the time that the storm was at its height,Lieutenant Masterman of the 34th regiment was killed by the lightning,as was the mule on which he was mounted. Nine men of the same corpswere also knocked down, but the most of them were but slightly injured.His watch was melted, and his sword belt was cut into as neat littlesquare pieces, as the most expert tradesman could have[Pg 288] performed asimilar operation with a knife or scissors.
We continued our movement upon Pampluna on the 25th, 26th, and 27th,without meeting with any thing worthy of notice, save the smokingruins of a few houses which the enemy had burned in their retreat, andone of the two pieces of artillery which Joseph Bonapartecarried with him from the fatal field of Vittoria, and which had beendismounted by some of the artillery brigades attached to the leadingdivisions two days before. In the evening of the 27th, we encamped inthe vicinity of Pampluna.
As Sir Rowland Hill approached Pampluna, the Marquis of Wellingtongradually withdrew a portion of the other divisions from before thatfortress, and with the Spanish corps of General Mina, proceeded on the27th to attempt the capture of General Clausel, who being too late totake part in the battle of Vittoria, was endeavouring to effect hisescape into France, by a road to the eastward of Pampluna. Informed ofthe Marquis' intentions, Clausel wheeled to the right, and directed hismarch upon Saragosa. There being no visible prospect of bringing theenemy to action, the Marquis returned to Pampluna, and resigned thepursuit of the fugitives into the hands of the indefatigable Guerillachief.
The French army was so much in want of provisions when it arrived underthe walls of Pampluna,[Pg 289] that Joseph was compelled to draw largely onthe stores of the garrison to satisfy the cravings of his half-starvedfollowers. This was a most egregious blunder on Jourdan's part, for itdeprived the Governor of the means of prolonging the defence of theplace beyond a very limited period.
On quitting Pampluna, the French army retired towards their own countryin two columns, the principal part of it by the pass of Roncesvalles,the other by that of Maya. Conceiving that Jourdan would attempt tofortify the heights at both of those places, Lord Wellington pushedforward the third and fourth divisions, second brigade of the seconddivision, and some Spanish and Portuguese troops towards the former;and the remaining brigades of the second division, and a brigade ofGeneral Hamilton's Portuguese division were ordered to proceed againstthe enemy at Maya.
Accordingly, about seven o'clock in the morning of the 2nd of July,the first, third, and fourth brigades of the second division, onebrigade Portuguese infantry, a few pieces of artillery and somecavalry, moved from their encampment in front of Pampluna, and in theafternoon encamped near La-Zarza. Next morning we plodded our wayunder torrents of rain, to a bleak mountain a little in front of thevillage of Lanz and encamped. Early on the 4th we again moved forward,and about one o'clock arrived at Almandos, after a disagreeable trampacross the dreary pass of Lanz.[Pg 290] A little in rear of the village, ourcolumns closed up preparatory to an attack upon the enemy's position atBarrueta, three miles farther in advance.
About two o'clock, the first brigade led by General Steuart in person,entered Almandos, and on arriving at the centre of it, made a sharpturn to the right, filed through several fields by a narrow foot-path,descended the left bank of a deep ravine, crossed a small stream,and then scrambled up the right bank, for as the whole face of itwas covered with round trundling stones, the operation was rathera difficult one. We at length, however, gained the summit, and ontaking a view of the obstacles we had surmounted, we were not a littlesurprised that the enemy should have permitted us to obtain a footingin that quarter, without making an attempt to confine our operationswithin a more limited sphere. A few hundred men judiciously posted,might have accomplished this, at least, for some little time. Onperceiving us fairly established on the left of the enemy's chain ofadvanced posts, Sir Rowland Hill gave orders for the other brigades tomove through Almandos, thence along the high road towards Barrueta,and attack the French posts in front of that town. On being attacked,the latter retired across a ravine which runs in front of the village,and joined their main body, the left of which rested on the summitof a high and very steep mountain, the centre occupied the villageof Barrueta, and the right extended to the[Pg 291] Bidassoa, the right bankof which they occupied with a few light troops. On retiring behindthe ravine, the enemy lined the right bank, the Portuguese the left.Between them a smart fire of musketry was kept up with considerableanimation for some time, during which the 50th regiment made an effortto carry the village. The latter went up to their antagonists in theirusual gallant style, but the French brought forward a very superiorforce, and drove them back. To support the 50th in this operation, theleft wing of the 92nd was pushed towards the village, and the rightwing and 71st regiment kept in reserve. The services of the 92nd leftwing, however, were not required, for before they reached the scene ofaction, the 50th had received orders to retire, Sir Rowland Hill notdeeming it prudent to bring on a more general affair that evening.
The enemy being in the same position, the troops cooked early nextmorning, and on the arrival of the Marquis of Wellington about noon,resumed their arms, and moved against the enemy. Forming the rightof our little army, the first brigade was ordered to ascend a high,steep, and extremely slippery mountain on our right, in order tothrow itself in rear of the enemy's left wing. The operation was afatiguing one; but on arriving at the summit of the hill, a peep ofthe French territory, and of the ocean, which the soldiers aptlyenough called the high road to England, banished in an instant[Pg 292] everytrace of fatigue, as the spontaneous and deafening cheers of our poorfellows sufficiently testified. Previous to this, the left column ofthe enemy paid but little attention to our demonstration against theirextreme left, but the boisterous expression of feeling just alludedto, which the enemy had attributed to a cause very different from thereal one, made them bestir themselves. Conceiving it to be GeneralGazan's intention to give us battle, we detached our light companiestowards his left flank, and supported the movement with the rest of thebrigade. The enemy's centre and right wing were attacked about the sametime by our friends in the centre, and in a short time forced to retirefrom Barrueta. Gazan seeing his left wing turned, and his right wingand centre about to be driven from their stronghold behind the village,gave orders to those immediately opposed to us, to follow the exampleof their friends, and retire towards Elizonda.
There being but one road by which the enemy could retire, and thatone too narrow for the rapid retreat of 7000 men, part of the Frenchtroops moved through corn fields between the road and the Bidassoa,and two or three battalions were thrown across the river, whither theywere pursued by some Portuguese infantry. From the time Gazan began toretreat, he never attempted to make a stand, but occasionally turnedround, and after peppering us for a few minutes from behind[Pg 293] a wall,hedge, or from the windows of a house, again took to his heels. Some ofour light troops on those occasions conceiving it imprudent to attackthe enemy in their strongholds, flanked them by moving into the fields,so that the former were always ready to pour a few vollies of musketryon the latter, the moment they retired from their temporary forts. Inthis manner the retreat and pursuit were conducted till both partiesarrived at Elizonda. To prevent a surprise, the enemy had previouslyrun a wall round the town, from behind which, they annoyed our lighttroops as they closed upon them. The French being forced at length toyield possession of the southern entrance, we walked on, pursued thefugitives through the various streets amidst the loud acclamations ofthe inhabitants, who, before the enemy had finally relinquished theirhold of the northern gate, were ringing a merry peal in honour of theirdeliverance. This spontaneous effusion of loyalty was so grating to theears of the French soldiers, that, on taking leave of the town, theyswore to be revenged on it the first time they returned.
On being driven from his position in the valley of Bastan, GeneralGazan retired with the main body of his corps to a high ridge atthe head of the valley, and with his left foot in France, and hisright foot in Spain, prepared to give us another meeting before herelinquished his hold of the last position he could now lay claim to inSpain. This[Pg 294] position was reconnoitred by the Marquis of Wellington onthe 6th, and again on the morning of the 7th. At the close of the lastreconnoissance, preparations were made for an immediate attack, withthe view of ridding this part of the Peninsula of the presence of theinvaders.
The right of General Gazan's corps occupied a high and very steepmountain, called the Rock of Maya. His centre columns were posted ontwo heights considerably lower than the other, and about a mile, andmile and half distant; and the left rested on another height stillfarther to the left. In front of the left centre there was a ridgewhich ran all the way to the village of Maya,—nearly two miles. Onthis ridge the enemy had placed some light troops, and again, a mile infront of Maya, another body to watch our motions.
The second brigade of the second division being encamped on the rightbank of the Bidassoa, was pitched upon to attack the rock, while theother brigades should endeavour to drive the enemy from the otherpoints of their position. Accordingly, the former got under arms about11 o'clock, A.M. on the 7th of July, and ascended a mountainon their left, over which a narrow foot-path led to the rock, fivemiles distant. When the second brigade marched from its ground thesky was clear, but fortunately for our friends, a dense fog crownedthe conical summit of the rock, just as they were about to cross anadjoining eminence, so much lower than[Pg 295] the other, that but for thisthe enemy would have been able to form a correct estimate of thenumerical strength of the attacking column. With the able assistance ofthis potent ally, the second brigade approached the enemy undiscovered,till they had arrived within a very short distance of the summit ofthe rock. They were no sooner perceived, however, than their opponentspoured down on them showers of bullets; but the action, though severe,was very short, for, making use of the bayonet, the second brigade soonrid the summit of the mountain of the presence of the enemy.
In order to deceive the French General in regard to our realintentions, the other brigades remained quiet in their camp for nearlytwo hours after their companions had quitted theirs. By this littlemanœuvre the French were lulled into a fatal security, for, until theysaw us fairly under arms, they fancied themselves reposing in perfectsafety. On moving from our camp a little in front of Elizonda, wedirected our steps towards Errazu, behind which the most advanced ofthe enemy's troops were stationed. As we approached them, they retiredtowards the village of Maya. At first they retired slowly, but thefiring on the rock caused them latterly to accelerate their motion. Thesame cause made us imitate them, in order that we might be at hand torender our friends assistance should Gazan attempt to regain by forcehis lost possession.
[Pg 296]
The first brigade, followed by Colonel Ashworth's Portuguese, advancedrapidly up the valley, passed Maya at a trot, and then, with the6th Caçadores on our left, moved towards the enemy, with whom ourlight companies soon came in contact. The firing at this point waskept up with considerable vivacity for some time, but with littleloss to either party. Pending these operations of the light troops,the 6th Caçadores had advanced close to the enemy scattered overthe northern slope of the rock, with the intention of preventingus communicating directly with the second brigade. A smart runningfire was the consequence of this collision, which lasted with littleintermission till night. Having succeeded in driving back the enemy,and establishing themselves in this post, the 50th regiment was orderedto a height upon their right, close and immediately opposite to theenemy's right columns. These various movements at length brought aconsiderable number of the combatants into close quarters. The shotsat first were as usual rather long, but as the afternoon advanced theybecame shorter, till the 50th and the enemy were more than once on thepoint of crossing bayonets. Being rather hard pressed, the 92d regimentmoved to their assistance, but the "old half-hundred" had in its usualoff-hand manner repelled the assault previous to the arrival of theirHighland brethren.
General Gazan heartily ashamed of having so[Pg 297] gamely yielded up thepossession of a post which he should have held while he had a manremaining, made many desperate attempts to regain it, but in all ofthem he was beat back with considerable loss. During the whole of theoperations on the rock, nothing could exceed the conduct of the secondbrigade, 28th, 34th, and 39th regiments, all of whom had made up theirminds to give their bodies to the eagles that hovered over their heads,rather than permit the enemy to lodge on the summit of the mountainthat night. The 71st light infantry rendered us good and efficientservice on our right, till night's sable mantle wrapt every earthlyobject in impenetrable darkness.
The fog being extremely dense, the night dark, and the French littlemore than two hundred yards from our advanced posts, we lay underarms the whole of the night. So very dark was it indeed, that on theskirmishers being called in, many of them did not really know whichway to move to rejoin their battalions. In front, and on our leftrank, numbers were, for hours after the action had ceased, bawling,some Français, others Portuguese. So completely were the poor devilsat fault regarding the situations of their respective friends, thattwo French soldiers actually passed one of our piquets, and were madeprisoners before they discovered their mistake.
At day-break on the following day, General Gazan made another attemptto regain the key of[Pg 298] his position, but failing as before, he kept up aloose irregular firing till about seven o'clock, when, seeing he couldmake no impression in that quarter, he took advantage of the fog toretire with his corps into his own territory. Colonel Ashworth followedhim some distance, and skirmished with his rear-guard till evening.
When General Gazan retired from the heights of Maya, General Stewartproceeded to look out for suitable ground for our brigade. In doingso, he spent fully two hours, there being no convenient spot butwhat had previously been occupied by the enemy. Before the Generalreturned from his tour of inspection, a number had begun to grumble atthe delay in placing us in camp. In this number was Captain H——s,of the 92d regiment, who would not give credit to the stories incirculation, relative to the not very praise-worthy habits of theFrench soldiery. Seeing that the Captain was not to be convinced, oneof his brother-officers said to him in mere jest, "H——s, perhaps atthis moment some of the gallopers may have already taken a fancy toyou;" and then bending forward as if to examine whether such was notthe case, he, to his own surprise, was able to convince the Captain ofthe fact by ocular demonstration. The Captain instantly sprung from theground, and bounded along the heath like a deer for several hundredyards, stopping only twice to try whether an extraordinary shake ofhis polluted[Pg 299] ankle would not assist him in getting rid of such vileintruders.
In the action of the 7th July, three Spanish peasants, inhabitantsof Maya, joined our light troops, advanced into the very heat of theconflict, and fought with the most determined bravery, till one of thembeing killed, and another wounded, the third reluctantly quitted thescene of action to convey his friend back to his native village. Hadthe armies of Spain been composed of such men as these, the Peninsularcontest would have been short indeed.
During the early French revolutionary wars, an opinion prevailed in theBritish army, that the French used poisoned balls. That this opinionstill prevailed at the time of which I write, is evidenced by the fact,that on the evening of the 7th, I heard one of the 50th call out, as hepassed us on his way to the rear, "I know I am a dead man, I have beenwounded by a poisoned ball."
Conceiving it to be the duty of every officer in charge of a companyto record every little anecdote, which can tend to illustrate thecharacter or the men under their command, I cannot forbear to notice anact of coolness on the part of a young lad named M'Ewen, which cannotbe too much admired. In the action of the 7th, a musket ball grazed hisbonnet a little above the ear. Instead of alarming him, however, M'Ewenvery coolly turned round his head to mark the progress of the[Pg 300] bullet,and on seeing it bury itself in the earth a few yards in his rear,shook his head, and said, "O ye coaxing rascal."
Until we took possession of the heights of Maya, we really knew butlittle of the real discomforts of a camp. We had occasionally sufferedseverely from sleet, rain, and cold stiff gales, but such a thingas a hurricane was a total stranger to us. At Maya, however, ourposition was so exposed to the four wind's of heaven, that blow fromwhatever quarter it might, the wind always found us at its mercy. Oneevening, after we had retired to rest, our encampment was visited by atremendous storm of wind and rain. The former howled, and the latterbattered the slender sides of our tents with such fury, that many ofthem were blown down. Every precaution was instantly taken to keepthe tent-poles and cords from snapping, but in many cases our effortsproved fruitless, for the wind continuing to increase for some timeafter, down came one tent, then another, and another, till more thana half of the whole were level with the ground. I had just fallenasleep, and was enjoying a very comfortable nap, when "Cast away, castaway!" from a well-known voice, rung in my ears, and roused me frommy slumbers. I instantly started up, and fancying what had happened,pulled the strings of my tent, and gave the cast-away wanderer a heartywelcome. But scarcely had my friend recited his hair-breadth 'scapefrom suffocation, when appearances[Pg 301] boded nothing favourable to thelittle vessel in which we were. Our servants did all in their powerto keep the pole upright, but seeing that to be impossible, I orderedthem to haul it down, and then, in company with my brother-sufferer,proceeded on a voyage of discovery.
We proceeded, in the first instance, to the tent of three friends,which being more favourably situated than ours, we hoped would affordus shelter. On arriving there, however, all was desolation. We madetwo or three other unsuccessful attempts to obtain a temporary shelterfrom the surly blast; but despairing of finding it, and the night beingextremely dark, we finally resolved to seek protection under the browof the hill, and wait with patience the coming of the morning light.Pursuing our way, without a light or a guide, we had considerabledifficulty in reaching a spot, where, protected, we might sit and hearthe storm expend its fury over our heads. At length we got under cover,but had not been half-an-hour in our new berth, when our feet became sobenumbed with cold, that we found it necessary to move about to bringthem again to their natural heat. Wrapt in our cloaks, and with therain battering in our faces, we were jogging along towards our arms,when all at once we came upon a tent which had withstood the fury ofthe storm. We were desired to walk in, and accept of what accommodationthe inmates had to spare. We did so, but finding the tent pretty[Pg 302] wellfilled with others similarly situated with ourselves, I left my friendCaptain H—— under cover, and after a little more trouble I found outthe residence of an old friend, where I remained during the remainderof the storm.
When day dawned, nothing but desolation was to be seen in our camp.Out of fifty tents, few were standing, more than the half of them werecomplete wrecks, and a number of the others were seriously injured. Themen's arms and accoutrements were greatly damaged, and a considerableportion of our ammunition was destroyed.
[Pg 303]
CHAPTER XXII.
The disastrous issue of the battle of Vittoria, and subsequent retreatof the French army into their own country, having convinced Napoleonthat neither his brother Joseph, nor Marshal Jourdan, were qualified tolead the armies of France to victory, he instantly dispatched MarshalSoult from Germany, with unlimited powers, to take the command of theFrench army on the lower Pyrenees, and oppose the farther progress ofthe British General in that direction. From the first moment of Soult'sappointment being known to us, we anticipated warm work; and he seemeddetermined that we should not be disappointed. On the 23d of July heissued an order of the day, intimating that his instructions were "todrive the English from the lofty heights which enabled them proudly tosurvey their fertile vallies, and chase them across the Ebro." "Let theaccounts of our success," continued Soult, in the true Napoleon style,"be[Pg 304] dated from Vittoria, and the birth-day of the Emperor celebratedin that city." This, although sheer bombast, was not a little ominousof what was to follow,—broken heads and mutilated limbs.
On the 25th of July, the day which developed to us the mighty plansby which Soult intended to carry the orders of the Emperor intoexecution, the allied army occupied the following positions, extendingfrom Roncesvalles on the right, to St Sebastian on the left. The thirdbrigade, second division, commanded by General Byng, formed the extremeright, and occupied a strong post, three hundred yards into the Frenchterritory, which commanded the high road from St Jean-Pied-de-Port toRoncesvalles, five miles in rear. This brigade was supported by thefifth Spanish army, under General Morillo. The fourth division wasencamped on the heights in front of Roncesvalles, a few miles in rearof the others;—and the third division were in position at Olaque, inreadiness to move to wherever their services might be most required.A few miles to the left of the fourth, Brigadier-General Campbell'sbrigade of Portuguese infantry occupied Los Alduides, a French village,to keep open the line of communication between the right wing andcentre, under Sir Rowland Hill, in the valley of Bastan.
The left wing, under Sir Thomas Graham, consisting of the first andfifth divisions, was engaged in the siege of St Sebastian. On theirright, the[Pg 305] Spanish corps of Generals Longa and Giron extended from thevicinity of the latter towards the heights of Santa-Barbara, where, andat Puerto-de-Eschelar and Vera, the seventh and light divisions wereposted.
The troops entrusted with the defence of the heights of Maya, andvalley of Bastan, were stationed as follows:—The fourth brigade,second division, occupied the village of Errazu; and a Portuguesebrigade, under the Conde de Amarante, a position in the mountains infront of that place. On the summit of the ridge, over which runs thehigh road from the valley of Bastan into France, the 71st and 92dregiments were encamped,—the latter two hundred yards to the left ofthe road, and the former three hundred yards still farther to the left.The 50th regiment were detached about half-a-mile from the right ofthe 92d, and lay encamped half-way down the ridge on the Spanish side.Three pieces of Portuguese artillery occupied the space between theroad and the 92d; and the 82d regiment, from General Barnes' brigade,seventh division, were posted about a mile from the left of the 71st.The second brigade, second division, were encamped in the valley, alittle in front of the town of Maya, having the 34th regiment advancedtowards the summit of the heights on the right of the position, onwhich that brigade had strong piquets posted; and the Spanish GeneralO'Donnel, the Conde-del-Abisbal, formed[Pg 306] the blockade of Pampluna, witha force of from ten to fifteen thousand Spaniards.
A little after 11 o'clock, A.M. on the 25th of July, theenemy, ascending the heights by a mountainous path which leads from theFrench village of Espalete to the Spanish village of Maya, attackedour piquets on the right with great fury. The latter, on the firstappearance of the enemy, were reinforced by the light companies of thesecond brigade, and subsequently by the 34th, 39th, 50th, and rightwing of the 92d regiment. The first assault of our old friend Druet,the Count D'Erlon, was sustained by the piquets and light troops withmuch spirit, but the overwhelming numbers of the enemy rendered alltheir efforts to retain their ground unavailing. The 34th regimentbeing the nearest corps to the point attacked, were soon on the spot,and attempted to arrest the torrent; but, from a similar cause, werenearly cut off. The 50th arrived at the scene of action at thisticklish period—charged the advanced columns of the enemy, and inconjunction with the 34th and 39th, which had followed the 50th, gavea temporary check to their career. But the Count D'Erlon, availinghimself of his great numerical superiority, charged these corps infront, and detached strong columns round their flanks, in order tosurround them. At this critical period the right wing of the 92dregiment, nearly 400 strong, entered the field, and took part in thefray. On their arrival,[Pg 307] the Highlanders were a good deal blown, havingadvanced from the pass about a mile and a-half, at a hurried pace. Thesituation of their friends, however, was such, that they formed lineon coming in sight of the enemy, and were ordered forward by ColonelCameron, who commanded on the heights at the time, without a moment'srepose. The enemy perceiving our intention was to charge them, halted,and thereby afforded the 34th and 50th regiments an opportunity ofretiring, and re-forming their ranks. Enraged at the failure of hisattempt to capture those two battalions, the French General turned hisfury against the Highlanders, with an intention of annihilating themwith showers of musketry. They, however, nothing intimidated, returnedthe fire of their opponents with admirable effect. Perceiving thatD'Erlon was acting cautiously, Colonel Cameron withdrew the right wingof the 92d, in order to draw the enemy to a piece of ground where hecould charge them. In this he partly succeeded; for the French General,mistaking our voluntary retreat for a constrained one, pushed forwardfrom three to four thousand of his troops, who on advancing towardsus, made the air ring with their shouts of Vive l'Empereur. Conceivingthat the enemy had made up his mind to prove the point of our bayonets,Cameron retired about thirty paces, and then ordered his men tohalt—front—and prepare to charge. On seeing us halt, the enemy did[Pg 308]the same, and instantly opened on us one of the most terrific fires ofmusketry which we had ever witnessed. At this time the space betweenthe combatants was not more than one hundred and twenty paces, whilethe numerical force of the enemy was nearly eight to one against us.From the 92d, to the French front line, the ground was almost level,but immediately behind the enemy's advanced body, and from the oppositebank of a narrow ravine, rose rather abruptly a considerable eminence,from the face of which the French musketry told with fatal effect ontheir opponents. This, however, the Highlanders did not return, forconceiving that the French General wished to get quit of them by ageneral charge, the 92d directed the whole of their fire against thatpart of the French force stationed on the brow of the ravine nearestthemselves, and which was so coolly and admirably given, that in tenminutes the enemy's dead lay literally in heaps. The slaughter was soappalling indeed, that the utmost efforts of the French officers tomake their men advance in front of their slain, failed. At times theyprevailed upon a section or two to follow them,—but whenever theyobtained a glimpse of the mangled corpses of their comrades, whichevery where surrounded them, they invariably gave way, and retiredfrom the scene of blood. For more than twenty minutes the Highlanderssustained the unequal conflict, at the expiry of which more than onehalf of the[Pg 309] men had been killed and wounded; and all the officerswounded, and borne from the field, but two lieutenants.
Being one of the two, and the senior in rank, I found myself atonce placed in a situation of considerable importance, surroundedwith difficulties, and beset with dangers on every hand. The enemyimmediately opposed to us was certainly not fewer than 3000,—ournumbers had by this time been reduced to something under 200, anda great part of them had no ammunition. Thus situated, and with nofriends in sight to render us assistance, it appeared to me that themost prudent course I could adopt, under all the circ*mstances, wouldbe to retire, particularly as it became every moment more and moreevident that the French General's object was either to annihilate uswith his fire, or surround us with his endless masses. We retiredaccordingly, pursued slowly by the enemy, and without the loss of aman, but such as fell by the terrific showers of musketry which theypoured on us during the retreat.
On our arrival behind the height on which we had been engaged, we foundthe 28th in close column, and the right wing of the 71st hasteningforward to our relief. The former attacked the enemy's leading columns,but soon after moving down the hill to the right, the Bragge Slashersjoined the 34th and 39th regiments in the valley, and left our rearcompletely uncovered. Under[Pg 310] these circ*mstances, the 50th andshattered remains of the 92d right wing retired towards the pass, whereGeneral Stewart, who had now arrived from Elizonda, was making thenecessary preparations to retard the progress of his opponent.
Detaching the right wing of the 71st, and part of the 50th, to aposition in rear, General Stewart, at the head of the left wingsof the 71st and 92d, awaited the enemy. The latter, after a littleskirmishing, brought forward a strong body of infantry to overpowerall opposition. Seeing that a general affair would be attended with nofavourable result at this point, General Stewart, after a few rounds,withdrew the advanced wings, and marching them through the intervalsbetween the 50th and 71st right wing, placed them again in positionabout two hundred yards in rear of the latter. The enemy followed, andwere warmly received by the 50th and 71st. A smart firing took place,which, as before, ended in the retreat of our friends through theintervals between the left wings of the 71st and 92d. In this manner,each half of the troops alternately retiring, we retrograded fully amile, when, being reinforced by the 82d regiment, we halted.
At the commencement of the action, Colonel Cameron adopted thenecessary precaution of detaching Captain Campbell of his own corps,with 150 men, to the summit of the rock of Maya, it being the key tothe whole position. From this[Pg 311] formidable post the little garrisonrendered us considerable service; for the face of the mountain beingevery where covered with whinstone blocks, Captain Campbell, inimitation of Andrew Hoffer in the Tyrol, hurled them down on thepursuers, and frequently with great effect.
But neither stones, bullets, nor bayonets, checked the progress ofthe enemy, for the second brigade having deviated from the naturaland prescribed route, retired across the valley of Bastan, some milesto our right, and left us in numbers from 2000 to 2500 to contendagainst eight or nine thousand. The consequence of this false movementwas such as might have been expected. The enemy seeing the two bodiescompletely separated, followed up the advantages they had gained overour column, and at length pressed us so warmly, that General Stewart,in order to stop the farther effusion of blood in a hopeless cause,dispatched an order to the troops on the rock to retire. It was thenabout seven o'clock in the evening. Fortunately, however, the cheersof the troops at the base of the hill, reached the summit of it beforethe bearer of the order. These cheers were occasioned by the arrivalof General Barnes with the 6th regiment, and some Brunswick infantry,being the remainder of his brigade. A more seasonable reinforcementno troops ever received. On the first appearance of it, our lads wereperfectly frantic with joy. Being seated at the time,[Pg 312] they, althoughgreatly fatigued, sprung upon their feet, and then, without eitherasking or obtaining permission to advance, rushed down uponthe enemy with irresistible force, and drove back his numerous hordesin the finest style imaginable. Taking it for granted that we had beenreinforced, D'Erlon retired about a mile. In order to strengthen ourline we had received a great addition to our numbers, General Stewartcaused the covering sergeants to take ground in the usual regularmanner, by which operation he intended to convey to his opponent anidea that he only waited for the light of a new day to renew the combat.
Marshal Soult having attacked at day-break the same morning the rightof our army at Roncesvalles, with an overwhelming force, Generals Cole,Picton, and Byng, after doing every thing in their power to repel theattack, were ultimately compelled to yield up their position to theenemy, and draw off towards Pampluna—the relief, or re-provisioning ofthat strong fortress being the enemy's principal object. To frustratehis designs, it became necessary for Lord Wellington to concentrate aconsiderable portion of his army in a position in front of Pampluna.For that purpose we retired from Maya the same night, and after afatiguing night's march, halted next morning at seven o'clock, on aheight in front of Barrueta.
[Pg 313]
CHAPTER XXIII.
I believe one of the best judges now in Britain has pronounced theaction of the 25th July to be one of the most brilliant achievementsperformed during the late Peninsular war. Will posterity credit thefact, that 2600 British troops not only retained the key of theirposition, in despite of the utmost efforts of 11,000 of Bonaparte'sbest infantry for nine hours, to wrest it from them,—but on receivinga reinforcement of 1000 men only, actually re-captured about a mileof the ground which the enemy had acquired in the early part of theday? Will posterity believe that 400 British soldiers stretched1000 Frenchmen dead or maimed on the bed of honour, in less thanhalf-an-hour? I fear not, without something more than a bare assertion;and therefore I take the liberty of relating the substance of aconversation which passed a few days afterwards, between the FrenchGeneral who commanded on that occasion, and a British Colonel, who waswounded on the 25th, and from[Pg 314] the severity of his wound was obliged tobe left behind when we quitted the valley of Bastan.
The Count D'Erlon, whether from a humane or an interested feeling, Iknow not, waited upon Colonel H——, in passing through the villagewhere the latter was confined to bed, and after condoling with himon the consequences of the action of the 25th of July, said, "Pray,Colonel, how many Sans Culottes (Highlanders) have you in yourdivision?" "One battalion," answered the Colonel. "One regiment ofseveral battalions, I presume, Colonel," retorted D'Erlon. "No,General, only one battalion I assure you," replied Colonel H——. TheCount then in a playful manner, and with a smile of incredulity inhis countenance, said, "Come now, Colonel, don't quiz me, do tell mecandidly, how many Highlanders you had in action on the right of yourposition on the 25th?" On this query being put, Colonel H—— said,with great earnestness, "I give you my honour, General, there was onlyhalf a battalion, not exceeding 400 men in all." On recovering a littlefrom the surprise which this reply created, D'Erlon fixed his eyes onColonel H——, and after a few moments pause, said with considerableemotion, "Then, Colonel, they were not men, they were devils,—forbefore that body of troops I lost one thousand killed and wounded."
On calling the roll of the company on our arrival in the bivouac ofBarrueta, I found the casualties[Pg 315] of the preceding day to be 11 killed,and 35 wounded, a considerable portion of whom died in hospital.
I was much gratified on this occasion by a mark or attention andrespect bestowed upon me by the men of my company. We were all withoutshelter, and our fare was neither rich nor abundant. To shew theirregard, however, in a way which they truly thought would be mostacceptable to me, the poor fellows, fatigued in body, and distressed inmind as they were, erected a beautiful hut, and made a neat table forme, which on awaking from a long nap, I found groaning under a load ofsoup, bouilli, beef-steaks,young potatoes, and a bottle of very goodbrandy. One word more, I conceive, quite unnecessary, to shew thedispositions of the men I had the honour to command in the memorablecampaign of 1813.
During the retreat from the right of the position towards the passof Maya, I received a message from a wounded brother officer, thathe wished particularly to see me. The moment he observed me, he heldout his hand, and with much feeling said, "O! —— I am most happyto see you have escaped unhurt from that dreadful place. I have twofavours to ask of you," he continued, "the first is, to assure ColonelCameron that I have never ceased to retain a grateful recollection ofall he has done for me; and the other is, that you will see this purseconveyed to my relations." Here his voice failed, and a tear startedin his eye. On recovering[Pg 316] a little, he, quite aware that his woundwas mortal, again grasped my hand, then raised his eyes, and afterfixing them stedfastly on me for some moments, said, with a smile ofresignation on his countenance, "I fear I detain you, ——, farewell,my friend, for ever farewell, and may God Almighty for ever bless you."
In the action between the right wing of the 92nd regiment, and theFrench on the right, an officer of the latter, rendered himself rathera conspicuous object to us, by his repeated and gallant attempts toinduce his men to charge our little band. I never felt so much forany individual as for that truly brave man. Seeing that none of hisfollowers would move in front, he advanced alone about fifteen pacesbefore them, struck his sword into the ground, and then crossing hisarms upon his breast, stood facing us several minutes without movinghands or feet,—our men all the time doing every thing in their powerto bring him down. Their efforts, however, were fruitless, tillone Archibald M'Lean stepped to the front, and kneeling down, tookdeliberate aim, and killed him. To have shot this officer under anyother circ*mstances but those in which the 92nd were placed, would havebeen considered by us as an act of deliberate cruelty. But when therespective numbers of the combatants on that occasion are kept in view,every impartial man will admit, that the death of the[Pg 317] French officerwas indispensibly necessary to ensure our safety.
The following little anecdote speaks more powerfully in favour ofnational corps, than volumes written on the subject could possibly do.The power of national music over the minds of soldiers in the field,was never more conspicuously displayed, than towards the conclusionof the action of the 25th July. Thinking that his friends would feelgrateful to him for one or two of his favourite military airs, thepiper-major of the 92nd regiment "Set his drone in order," and made thehills and the valleys ring with the "Gathering of the Camerons." Theeffects were instantaneous. Every man was on his legs in a moment, andanxiously looking to General Stewart, who was then a few paces in theirrear, wounded in the leg, for an order to advance. He, however, insteadof gratifying the men, warned them of the fatal consequences that mightfollow a movement in advance at that particular moment, and desiredthe piper not to play again till ordered. In ten minutes, Cameron,unmindful of the General's injunctions, repeated the dose, whichproduced exactly similar effects. Enraged at the piper's disobedience,General Stewart again stopped him, and forbade him at the peril of hislife to play until ordered. On the arrival of General Barnes, soonafter with the remainder of his brigade, Cameron the piper, conceivingthat in common courtesy he was bound to[Pg 318] welcome his friends to shareour dangers, struck up the "Haughs of Cromdale," in his very beststyle. At the sound of that well-known national air, the Highlandersrushed down upon their numerous foes with the most undaunted bravery,who, panic-struck at their audacity, wheeled to the right about, andfairly ran, hotly pursued by the whole corps.
In the action between the 92nd right wing and the French on the 25thof July, William Bisket, a private soldier in the company under mycharge, was wounded in the thigh, and forced to retire. Leaning uponhis musket, he quitted the scene of action, the blood all the wayflowing copiously from the wound. When about two hundred yards from us,he halted to take a farewell view of his comrades. On perceiving themstill supporting the sanguinary conflict with undiminished ardour, herejoined them. Before falling into his place in the ranks, I advisedhim to retire, and inquired what motive could have induced him toreturn without having his wound even bandaged. Being a quiet and veryworthy character, he replied coolly, "To have another shot at therascals, Sir, before I leave you." The gallant fellow fired once, andwas in the act of doing so a second time, when another ball passedthrough the bone of his arm, above the elbow, and compelled him finallyto retire from the field, regretted by his admiring comrades.
Captain A.A. of the 71st light infantry, being[Pg 319] on out-piquet at thepass of Maya when the French attacked our position, on the 25th July,was among the first to observe their advanced columns forming in rearof the heights. Having communicated this circ*mstance to ColonelCameron, who commanded at the pass, he, in company with some otherofficers proceeded to Captain A's. post, to satisfy himself whether theCaptain's suspicions were well or ill founded. After looking at theFrench for a few moments through a glass, one of the young officersremarked, that what Captain A. supposed to be French troops, wasnothing more than a few bullocks. As this remark went to impugn thevision of the gallant Captain's little grey optics, he very indignantlyretorted in the true Hibernian accent, "By J——, my young friend, ifthey are bullocks, let me assure you, that they have bayonets ontheir horns." Few had greater reason to remember the correctnessof the Captain's remark than the individual who provoked it, for inthe action that followed, he was severely wounded by one of Captain A.A——g's bullocks, as all Frenchmen were afterwards denominated by us.
[Pg 320]
CHAPTER XXIV.
The cool and admirable manner in which General Stewart took up hisground at the close of the action on the 25th of July, caused D'Erlonto believe that we had been strongly reinforced, and only waited for anew day to renew the combat. So confident was the Count of this, thathe lay the whole of the 26th on the heights of Maya, without makingone offensive movement. About two o'clock, P.M. on the 27th,his advanced columns appeared a little in front of Elizonda, and onbeing joined by those in the rear, prepared to attack us. But ourpresence being required in another part of the country, we declined thehonour intended us, and retired from Barrueta encampment. The sixthand seventh divisions having preceded us on the road to Pampluna, ourprogress, after passing Almandos, was considerably retarded by theirbaggage. About sun-set we began to ascend the pass of Lanz; but inconsequence of the obstacle just mentioned, and the darkness of thenight, we were[Pg 321] compelled to halt on the summit of one of the lowerheights.
At day-break we resumed our march,—passed through the village of Lanz,and about mid-day halted near La Zarza. Thinking ourselves secure ofa resting-place for the night, those whose chins required a littletrimming set about that operation, and the butchers in due time sent usour allowance of tough beef, which was no sooner divided than poppedinto our kettles. Every thing was proceeding as favourably as couldbe wished—the beef was walloping in the camp-kettles, and the razorsrunning as quickly over our faces as the stiff and lengthy stubblewould permit them,—when, lo! the horn again sounded, not the noteof preparation, but to fall in and be instantly off. In a moment theground was covered with soup and butcher-meat, and half-shaved soldiersstood laughing at each other in every direction. The scene altogetherwas most ludicrous. In less than ten minutes we were on the road toPampluna, a few miles in front of which the allied army, and the enemyunder Marshal Soult, were engaged in the work of mutual destruction.
In the confident hope of forcing a passage to Pampluna, before asufficient number of the allied forces could be collected in thatquarter to prevent him, Marshal Soult attacked the third and fourthdivisions in their position at Huarte, at an early hour on the 28th.But these troops, assisted by[Pg 322] some Spanish battalions, and a brigadeof Portuguese infantry, repelled the enemy's first assault withgreat gallantry. By dint of numbers, however, the French were atlength enabled to outflank the fourth division on the left, and wereproceeding to follow up their advantages, when the sixth division veryopportunely arrived, and threw their force into the scale against theenemy. But although the arrival of this division must have satisfiedthe Marshal that he could no longer hope to penetrate to Pampluna, henevertheless continued his attacks long after every prospect of successhad vanished. In them all he was most signally defeated, and at lengthdriven from the various heights with terrible slaughter.
Being too late to take any part in the battle of the 28th, we halted afew miles in front of Pampluna, and bivouacked on the slope of a steephill. Next morning we advanced about a mile, and bivouacked on theright of the road leading from Pampluna to La Zarza. Having receivedinformation that Soult, despairing of success, had dispatched hiscavalry and artillery into France on the 29th, the Marquis Wellington,conceiving his opponent would soon follow with his infantry, attackedthe left and centre of the French army at day-break on the 30th, andafter a very sharp action of four or five hours duration, defeated himwith great loss. Seeing his left wing turned, and his retreat intoFrance seriously endangered, Soult[Pg 323] reinforced his right wing, andbetween ten and eleven o'clock, A.M. filed a large body ofinfantry towards the left of our corps, with the intention of makingSir Rowland Hill retire from his advanced position, and permit theFrench columns to withdraw quietly into their own country. Sir Rowland,however, with his few battalions, prepared to repel the assaults ofSoult's masses, amounting to upwards of 20,000 men.
As soon as it became obvious that Soult intended to attack us, thefirst brigade moved across the high-road, to line the brow of anelevated ridge on its left, and facing the plain on which the enemywas forming his columns of attack. The second brigade was ordered tosupport the first, and two brigades of Portuguese infantry occupied aheight on the right of the road. The eighth and light companies of the92d formed a guard to Sir Rowland Hill, who took post on a height tothe left of the road.
The enemy's preparations being completed, they pushed a strong body ofinfantry along the base of the hill on which we were posted, with theview of ascending it at a distant point, turning our left, and forcingus to retire. To counteract this design, the first brigade made acorresponding movement along the summit of the ridge, which being everywhere covered with large trees, and long brush-wood, was not observedby our opponents. The latter showing a disposition to make an attempton[Pg 324] a part of the ridge of easier access than the other parts of it,the 50th halted to frustrate their designs. The 71st formed in extendedorder from the left of the 50th, to skirmish with the enemy should theyendeavour to force their way to its summit. The 92d was formed intotwo divisions, the right formed a kind of moveable column, to supportthose who most required their services, and the left was pushed alongthe summit of the hill, to watch the motions of the enemy on the left.Having the command of the right company of this column, I was desiredby the Adjutant-General of the division, to move down alone from theright of the company about 130 yards, and on the first appearance ofthe enemy on my right, to give notice to the officer in command. I hadadvanced a considerable distance without being incommoded with themovements of the French, when all at once their approach was announcedby a rustling noise about thirty yards distant on my right. I instantlygave the alarm—but before my men joined me, three of the enemy's lightinfantry fired at, but missed me. These we attacked briskly, and droveback with great loss. After this we continued to skirmish with theenemy at extended order, until one of their grenadier battalions issuedfrom a wood on our left, and with drums beating, and loud shouts ofVive l'Empereur, advanced to the charge. Calling in our skirmishers,we prepared to receive them in the warmest manner we could. The Frenchwere from five to six[Pg 325] hundred strong—we had only four companies, nottwo hundred in all. Notwithstanding this disparity of force, however,our Commandant, Captain Seton, conceiving it most politic to meet thefoe half-way, stepped in front of his little corps, and with his bonnetin the left hand, and his sword in the other, said with great coolnessand animation, "Ninety-second, follow me!" then after proceeding abouttwenty paces, he fell into the rear as usual on such occasions, andgave the word,—"Charge." Our lads moved forward with great spiritto measure bayonets with their opponents, and what the issue of sucha conflict would have been it were idle even to guess. But from suchan unequal trial of strength we were most unexpectedly relieved bythe 34th regiment, who coming in sight of us just as we were movingforward, gave three hearty cheers, and joined us in our offensivemovement against the enemy. Being still greatly inferior to the enemyin numbers, they seemed, for a little, quite determined to wait ourassault; but somehow, when we had arrived within thirty or forty pacesof them, they wheeled about and retired, hotly pursued by the twolittle corps. Their loss was considerable. Their commanding-officer,a fine young man, with two or three decorations at his breast, fellmortally wounded.
We were not allowed to enjoy our triumph very long, however, for theenemy, reinforced, again advanced against us. We returned their firefor[Pg 326] some time with considerable effect, but receiving at length suchan accession to his force as enabled him to outflank us on the left,we were reluctantly compelled to retire from the ridge we occupied, toanother, and almost unassailable one, a mile in rear.
The other regiments of the second brigade, and Portuguese troops, werealso hotly engaged; but during the time we were at work on the firstposition, the latter were not within our view. On retiring from thatpost, however, we had them completely under our eyes, and it must beadmitted that some of the Portuguese battalions behaved uncommonlywell. Attacked by greatly superior numbers, they were forced to retirefighting, to the summit of a height nearly two miles in rear of theiroriginal position; but being there reinforced by a brigade of theircountrymen, they in turn became the assailants, and drove the Frenchdown the ridge at the point of the bayonet. This closed the seriousoperations of the day, but a loose irregular fire was kept up betweenthe enemy and the Portuguese, till after sun-set. The enemy's loss inthis day's action was great; ours also was considerable. My little bandwas reduced from thirty-six to twenty-four, five being killed and sevenwounded.
An order having been issued early in the morning of the 30th, for allmen who could not keep up with their battalions to be sent to thebaggage,[Pg 327] I selected three of the company to proceed as directed. Twoof them went with apparent goodwill, but the other respectfullytold me that he would much rather die than leave us. The fate of thesethree men being rather striking, may furnish the curious with a subjectfor conversation.
In the action of the 25th July, William Dougald, the one who would notleave us, was hit three times with spent balls in the course of fiveminutes. These wounds, though not much minded at the time, became soinflamed by subsequent exertion, that on the 30th he was scarcely ableto drag his right leg after him. I shall never forget the exertions hemade to keep up with his companions, and the admirable manner in whichhe performed his duty in action, till stretched a lifeless corpse onthe heights of La Zarza.
John Brookes, one of the two who quitted the company agreeable toorder, was also struck on the 25th of July by a musket-ball, whichhitting him on the throat, was miraculously turned aside by hisstock, without doing him any apparent injury. But the parts soonbecame inflamed, and by the 30th, any words he uttered were quiteunintelligible. The brave fellow having obeyed my orders with apparentalacrity, I was much surprised, on going into action, to observe himonly a few paces in the rear, on his way to rejoin us. Having notime to take notice of Brookes' disobedience of a positive order, heproceeded with the company, and[Pg 328] conducted himself with his usualspirit and gallantry, till another musket-ball struck him on the sameplace on which he was hit on the 25th July, passed through his neck,and killed him on the spot.
The other, Hugh Johnston, my servant, quitted us in company withBrookes, and rejoined his companions along with him. Soon after goinginto action a ball lodged in his groin, and he was borne a little wayto the rear, the blood all the way flowing profusely from the wound.Our subsequent movement on that day placed him in the enemy's hands,where he remained all night without medical aid. On the retreat of theenemy next morning, I despatched three men to carry him into La Zarza.Finding him greatly exhausted, they offered him a little spirits andwater, on receiving which he lifted up his head, and having faintlysaid, "O! I would like to see him," reclined his head on the breastof one of his companions, and, with a smile on his countenance, badeadieu to all earthly things. Such was the premature fate of as good asoldier, and faithful servant, as ever graced the ranks of the Britisharmy.
On retiring from the ridge on which we had been so long engaged on the30th, the—Portuguese regiment of infantry was ordered to cover ourretreat. From some cause, however, best known to themselves, the whole,save about 150, took the shortest road to a place of safety, and leftthe others[Pg 329] and their Colonel, a fine young Highlander, to cover theretreat of their allies in any manner they could. In the valley betweenthat ridge and the one to which we retired, there were some houseswhich should have been held by the Portuguese, but in consequence oftheir conduct, were soon taken possession of by the enemy. Enragedto see this post lost by the bad behaviour of his men, the Colonelgalloped up to the standard-bearer, snatched the standard out of hishands, and after attempting to rally a part of his troops, flew likelightning towards the enemy, till he arrived within a hundred yards ofthe houses, when he waved the standard round his head, and continuedto do so for a considerable time, amidst showers of the enemy's shot.The gallant Colonel having both an uncle and a brother in our regiment,it was with great difficulty we could keep our men from breaking awayfrom us, to render their countryman that aid which the Portugueserefused to give him. Our orders being peremptory, we durst not move,but we had the pleasure soon after of congratulating the young warrioron his admirable display of some of the finest military qualitiesof a soldier, and on his many hair-breadth 'scapes, his cloak andbody-clothes being pierced in several places by musket-balls.
None but those who have had an opportunity of witnessing it, can haveany idea how very little soldiers in general think of the dangerwhich frequently[Pg 330] surround them while on active service. The officersof the first brigade were reclining under the cooling shade of awide-spreading tree on the 29th of July, and cracking their jokes, asif each had received a fifty years renewal of his earthly existence,when an officer of the 50th regiment, who had been stationed atLisbon, passed them in a very comfortable state of equipment. On hisdismounting to report his arrival to the commanding-officer,—ColonelFitzgerald of the 60th, then commanding the light companies of thesecond division, rose and cried, "Come, is any one inclined for abet?" His query being answered in the affirmative,—"I will bettwenty dollars to one," rejoined the Colonel, "that the officer justarrived in our bivouac is either killed or a prisoner with the enemyin twenty-four hours." The bet was taken,—the officer, horse and all,was in the hands of the French before the expiry of the period named byFitzgerald, but the bet was never paid, for the latter was only a fewhours later in following the other into the Gallic dominions.
This reminds me of another bet, which fully corroborates what I haveasserted in the first sentence of the preceding paragraph. The 28thregiment being hard pressed on one occasion during the battle ofBarossa, in March 1811, some officers of another corps expresseddoubts as to the 28th being able to repel the assault of so superior abody of troops. On hearing this, Major B——, who well[Pg 331] knew what theBragge Slashers could do, galloped forward to the doubters, andoffered to bet thirty dollars to one, that the 28th would "thrash therascals soundly." The bet being declined, the Major soon after, and onseeing the storm thickening, pulled out his purse, and holding it up,cried, "this purse of gold to a doubloon, the Bragge Slashers lick themyet." The bet being taken, and the 28th having repelled the enemy'sattack, Major B—— rode up to the taker of the bet, and very coollysaid, "The doubloon, if you please, Sir."
On that memorable day, the same gallant individual commanded a body oflight infantry, whose inexpressibles were in a most tattered condition.Their hearts, however, appear to have been sound, for they repeatedlyurged the Major to let them down upon the enemy. This, however, hecould not for some time do. But a favourable opportunity at lengthoffering, he turned round to his followers, and in his usual cooland humorous manner, cried with the voice of a Stentor, "Now chargeyou bare —— blackguards." This singular address was received withuproarious mirth. The charge was successful, and before the littleragged band regained their original ground, it was generally supposedthat each individual had acted strictly on the advice given by NormanStewart of the 92d to a comrade in Holland, in the year 1799, and "shota shentleman for himsel'."
About the middle of the action between the[Pg 332] right wing of the 92dregiment and the enemy, on the 25th of July, my pay-sergeant,tapping me on the shoulder, said he wished to speak to me. On mystepping a pace or two to the rear, and inquiring the purport of hiscommunication, he replied with a tremulous voice, "Oh! Sir, this isterrible work, let me change places with you for a few minutes."Respecting very highly the friendly motive which induced sergeant C——to offer to place himself between me and the enemy's bullets, Imerely desired him to attend to his duty in the rear. In five minutesthe poor fellow made a similar proposal, by which time dozens of ourmen lay around us killed and wounded, and the enemy in front literallyin heaps. "I respect your motives, sergeant C——, but don't troubleme again on this subject," was my reply. On resuming his post in rearof the company, C——'s eyes bespoke the severest disappointment, andcontinued to do so till a musket-ball entered his body a little abovethe groin, when calling upon me by name, he said, "I am killed." Onperceiving him stagger, his brother, a private in the same company,flew to his assistance. Convinced that his wound was mortal, herequested to be laid down in rear of the company, being in great agony.The request, however, had scarcely been made, when a second ball struckthe brave and warm-hearted sergeant, and killed him on the spot.
[Pg 333]
CHAPTER XXV.
At day-break on the 31st, the enemy occupied the same ground as onthe previous evening, but soon after, they exhibited some degree ofrestlessness, and about eight o'clock they appeared on the wing. Fromthe thrashing which Soult had received the day before, we knew quitewell that he did not mean to become the assailant, consequently weprepared to harass him in his retreat, and to prevent as many of hisfollowers as possible from effecting their escape into their dearFrance.
When we started in pursuit of the French corps immediately in ourfront, we were not very sanguine of bringing it to action, but as weproceeded, appearances became more favourable, till at length our lighttroops came up with their rear-guard about mid-day in a wood, whenan interchange of the formalities usual on such occasions took placebetween them, to the great amusem*nt of the fire-eaters, but to thegreat grief of those who wished themselves a thousand miles from theseat of war.
[Pg 334]
The main body of the enemy had by this time gained the pass of DonnaMaria. On each side of the road the hill was so covered with largetrees and long brush-wood, that their troops were compelled either tokeep the high road, which was but narrow, or ascend the eminence afterthe manner of riflemen, a mode of marching ill calculated for troopsaccustomed to move in close order. On arriving at the extremity ofthe wood in which our light troops first came up with the enemy, wefound ourselves within three hundred yards of their rear-guard, whichwas crowded together on the road, and making what speed they could toget out of the range of our artillery. This, however, they did notaccomplish so quickly as they wished. Having with some difficulty gotforward one field-piece and one howitzer, their fire was instantlydirected against the confused mass with fatal effect, almost everyshot or shell taking effect. So well directed was the shot, that thevery first knocked down a number of men, and threw the whole body intosuch a state of agitation, that they immediately abandoned the road,and hid themselves amongst the trees and brush-wood. Our artillerybeing now no longer useful, the infantry were called upon to play theirpart. The 50th regiment ascended the hill on the left of the road, tooperate against the enemy's right flank. The 71st, at extended order,skirmished with the French along the face of the hill from the rightof the 50th to the road; and the 92d[Pg 335] advanced by the high road, andattacked the enemy in front. These corps were supported by the secondand fourth brigades, second division; and the seventh division, underthe Earl of Dalhousie, moved towards the enemy's left flank, by a roadrunning parallel to the one on which we were posted. The Brunswickinfantry, and Chasseurs Britannique, being in the seventh division, andtheir uniforms having no resemblance whatever to that of any portionof the British army, our lads, on first getting a glimpse of them in awood on the opposite bank of a deep ravine, mistook them for Frenchmen,and peppered them for a few seconds, till the mistake was discovered.
Pushed hard on every hand, the enemy had no alternative but toface about and fight for life and liberty. Their skirmishers beingdriven in on their main body, from seven to nine thousand strong,the French opened upon us a smart fire of musketry, which, as theirdanger increased, became more and more animated, until their ballsflew over and around us in dreadful quantities. In defiance of theirshot, however, our troops advanced with great spirit, to wrest theheights from the enemy. But in this they were foiled, and ultimatelyforced to retire with very considerable loss. A second attempt wasalso unsuccessful. But the third, made in conjunction with the secondbrigade, so completely succeeded, that the enemy were driven from thesummit of the pass with great slaughter. Towards[Pg 336] the conclusion of thebattle, a musket-ball grazed my head, but I never quitted my corps, andwas quite well again in a few days.
The troops of the second division being much fatigued by the operationsof the 30th and 31st, the pursuit of the enemy was entrusted to theseventh division, and the former descended the hill and bivouacked.At the close of this day's engagement I could only muster thirteenprivates, out of the eighty-two non-commissioned officers and privateswhich I carried into action six days before.
On the 1st of August we once more entered the valley of Bastan, andin the evening encamped in front of Elizonda. A little after sun-setwe were visited by a terrific thunder storm. The peals were extremelyloud, and the flashes of lightning which preceded them were so vivid,and followed each other in such a rapid succession, that for severalhours the whole firmament appeared in one continued blaze. In fact,between the flashes of lightning, the roaring of the thunder, and thedreadful torrents of rain which battered incessantly on our tents, veryfew of us ever closed our eyes.
On the 2d of August the allied army resumed possession or every postwhich it occupied on the 25th of July. In the evening the first brigademarched into Errazu, and next day took possession of its old ground onthe heights of Maya, then thickly strewed with the mangled corpses offriends and foes.
[Pg 337]
In the early part of the campaign of 1813, our attendance on divineworship was very far from being so regular as our worthy chaplainwished. But this he knew was not our fault, but that of our opponents,who on almost every Sunday contrived to withdraw our eyes from thecountenance of the minister, and force us to rivet them upon theirdarling pastimes. Having been often deprived of a congregation, MrFrith, on visiting our encampment on Saturday the 24th of July, said,on parting with a few of us, "Gentlemen, we shall have divine serviceto-morrow, God and the French willing." With whatfearful effect the French again interposed between us and our clergymanon that occasion, has already been shown.
But Mr Frith was not only an amiable and admirable expounder of thesacred text, he was also a gallant soldier. Being up with the leadingcolumns on the 31st July, and seeing the artillery officer at a lossto find a road through some wood which obstructed his progress, MrF. instantly placed himself at the head of the artillery, and neverresigned his post until he planted them on the ground where they wereto open upon the flying host. On perceiving the minister in this newcharacter, some of our men felt much inclined to treat themselves to alaugh at his expence. One of them vociferated, "Gude guide us, look atthe clergyman leading the artillery;" to which a second having added,"'Am sure he has nae business[Pg 338] to place himself in danger;" athird, by way of rejoinder, said, "Haud your tongue, ye gowk, he's thevery man that should be here—he's prepared."
No two Generals ever possessed, in a more eminent degree, theconfidence and esteem of their troops, than Sir Rowland Hill and SirWilliam Stewart. The many amiable qualities, and public and privatevirtues possessed by the former, endeared him to every individualunder his command. Spurning the airs which Generals sometimes assume,not with the view of rendering their troops more perfect in theirfield movements, but to annoy and harass those very individuals bywhose exertions they are endeavouring to raise themselves to rank andhonours, Sir Rowland Hill's sole delight consisted in providing for histroops,—seeing them comfortable, contented, and happy,—easing themat all times of as much fatigue as his duty would permit,—and, whenan opportunity offered, in directing with proper effect their warlikeenergies against the enemy.
Some individual or individuals were kind enough to bestow upon SirWilliam Stuart the appellation of the enthusiastic madman. I only pray,that in every future war in which my country may be engaged, everyofficer, from the general of division, to the youngest ensign, mayprove himself worthy of being admitted a member of that distinguishedbody of which the gallant and enthusiastic General was one of thechief ornaments. Sir William[Pg 339] Stewart was without doubt an enthusiastin his profession. On service, his military duties engrossed hiswhole attention. Late and early he was to be seen visiting theout-posts,—reconnoitring the approaches towards his posts andencampment, from the advanced posts and encampment of the enemy,—orin making observations, which, in case of an attack from, or upon theenemy, might be of service to him in making the necessary dispositionof his troops. And in regard to the comfort, &c. of the men, he trod asnearly as possible in the footsteps of his gallant superior.
Sir William being wounded in the leg on the 25th of July, wasreluctantly forced to leave us on the 27th. But on hearing of thebattle of the 30th, he caused his leg to be properly bandaged, andwith a pillow fastened so as to keep the leg from coming in contactwith the stirrup, or the sides of the horse, mounted, and rejoinedus a little before we came up with the French on the 31st. The loudand enthusiastic cheers of the soldiers welcomed him back. But theirjoy was soon turned into mourning,—for in less than three hours amusket-ball passed through the General's arm, a little above theelbow, and compelled him once more to go to the rear. On rejoining thedivision a few weeks afterwards, a party of the private soldiers of the92d, placed themselves near to the road by which Sir William had topass to their[Pg 340] corps,—and on his arrival, one of them stepped forwardand said, "Oh, General, ye maun drink wi' us!" to which unexpectedrequest the latter replied, "With all my heart, my man." On taking thecup in his hand, Sir William expressed himself much gratified by theirattention, and in finding them in such good health and spirits,—andthen returning it, rode off towards the encampment, where the rest ofthe regiment, drawn up in front of their tents, received their Generaland friend with joyous acclamations, every bonnet flying into theair as high as its owner could heave it. The concluding part of theceremony, though gratifying to the feelings of Sir William, had nearlyproved the means of depriving him of one of his personal staff, whosehorse having never before been honoured with a Highland welcome, was sounprepared for such a reception, that it wheeled to the right about,and to the great amusem*nt of the spectators, but to the imminenthazard of the rider's neck, galloped down the hill at a winning pace.
When the French attacked the heights of Maya, on the 25th of July,a great proportion of the baggage animals of the 92nd regiment werefive or six miles from the encampment on a foraging excursion. Inthis number both my company and private mules were included. Some fewreturned in time to carry away the tents and baggage; others, in makingthe attempt, were taken by the enemy,[Pg 341] but my two, when about half amile from the camp ground, seeing the French quite close to it, wheeledabout, and by the great exertion of the batman escaped, but the fatigueproved too great for my company mule, for it was seized with an inwardcomplaint, and died a few days after.
I provided another mule for the company, and applied for compensation,which I received in the following year. Having lost at the same timeall my personal baggage, except a few articles saved by the attentionof my servant, who emptied his knapsack of his own property, and filledit with mine; I made out a list of the articles I had lost, affixed toeach the price at which I could replace it, and transmitted the statesigned by the commanding officer to the secretary of the Board ofClaims in London. Along with this I also transmitted a separate note ofa few articles of use to the men, which I had paid for on taking overthe accounts of the company. Some time after, I received intimationthat I was to be allowed the value of the last mentioned articles,but not a farthing of the value of my own baggage. To be deprivedof any compensation for articles which I had actuallylost, I certainly considered a great hardship, and I do so still; forsome who did not lose so much (though perhaps their all) received thefull allowance of Forty Pounds.
The members of the Board, I conceive, must have been influenced intheir decision, by the fact,[Pg 342] that my private mule was preserved,nothing being more natural than for them to conclude, that as mymule had been saved, so must my personal baggage also. Though theirdecision, therefore, may have been warranted by the facts beforethem, yet I think that before they had decided upon my claim underthese circ*mstances, the members of the Board should have applied tothe commanding officer, whose signature was affixed to the list ofarticles, to know whether my mule had been in camp any time from thefirst appearance of the enemy, to the period we abandoned our all tothem. Had they taken this trouble, they would have discovered that amore just claim for compensation was never laid before them. Havingneglected to do so, however, I am still minus the value of my baggage,and my claim still remains in the office of the Board of Claims,furnishing rather strong testimony against the old maxim, that "Honestyis the best policy."
[Pg 343]
CHAPTER XXVI.
Early in the morning of the 9th of August, the 2nd division, on beingrelieved by the 6th, quitted the heights of Maya, and in the eveningencamped within the French territory at Los-Alduides. Next day,after a long and tough pull, we arrived on the summit of one of thetremendous ridges near Roncesvalles, on which our companions were solong engaged on the 25th of July, the rain pelting us with mercilessviolence the greater part of the way. Water was much wanted, but thefog was so dense that the men were afraid to proceed in search of it,lest they might pop into the enemy's camp in place of their own. A fewmen, therefore, from each company, paraded in fatigue clothing, andformed a complete chain of guides at a few paces from each other, tillthey succeeded in their object at some hundred yards distant. Fromthis wilderness not a house was to be seen, nor a living creature,save ourselves, our baggage animals, and flocks of carnivorous birdshovering over the unburied corpses of friends and[Pg 344] foes, which strewedthe heights in every direction. Here lay the body of a friend—thetongue, the eyes, and large portions of the flesh torn from variousparts of the body. There lay a foe with his bowels strewed aroundhim in every direction. In many parts of the mountain, the birdswere seen in the very act of tearing the flesh from the bones of thedead, a spectacle of the most sickening and heart-rending descriptionimaginable.
On the 11th, and subsequent days of August, our engineers chalkedout various redoubts, blockhouses, and breast-works, which whenfinished, occupied the following commanding points on the position ofRoncesvalles.
The road from Pampluna into France, after running through the villageof Roncesvalles, ascends about half a mile, then on the summit ofthe lowest part of the whole range, branches into two roads, that tothe right, running with an easy ascent along the Spanish side of ahigh mountain, till it reaches the summit,—thence two miles down theopposite side, till it crosses the French frontier, when it runs downthe top of a ridge towards St Jean Peid-de-Port. The left branch firstruns along the side of the mountain, facing the French territory, withan easy ascent for two miles, then descends rapidly into a deep valley,whence it again ascends for a mile and a-half, and then descends againtowards Los Alduides.
Our advanced posts were stationed between four[Pg 345] and five miles fromRoncesvalles, on the road to St Jean Peid-de-Port, the advanced piquetbeing posted at a point where the road has been cut through a rockyridge, which runs to the left as far down as the rivulet in the valley,and on the French side the greater part of it is inaccessible. It washere that the gallant Byng and his brigade made such a noble standagainst Soult on the 25th of July. On a height immediately in rear ofthis ridge, we erected a block-house into which the piquets were tothrow themselves in case of an attack. On another height, a littlein rear of the first, we raised a redoubt, and as it commanded theroad, we planted a few pieces of cannon in it. This fort the in-lyingpiquets were to occupy in every case of alarm. On the highest pointof ground, and about half way between the latter and Roncesvalles,there was another redoubt, and a little in rear of it a block-house.The face of the hill looking to France was pretty thickly studded withbreast-works, as also was each side of the pass, immediately in frontof Roncesvalles. Two miles from the pass, on the road to Los-Alduides,a high, and extremely steep narrow ridge, runs straight towards theFrench territory. On the highest peak of this ridge, and about a mileand a half from the road, the advanced piquet of the left brigade wasposted. In a kind of ravine, half a mile in rear of the latter, therewas a captain's piquet, and a little in rear of it, a block-house, intowhich the captain was to throw himself[Pg 346] in case of an attack. At ashort distance from the road, and a few hundred yards from the ridge onthe left, we raised a pretty strong redoubt, which commanded the roadand ground all around it.
From the day we took possession of those heights, down to the finalsurrender of St Sebastian on the 9th of September, we were kept onthe alert, always prepared every morning, an hour before day-light,for whatever might occur, being in daily expectation of another visitfrom our old friend Soult. Our duties all this time were more annoyingthan severe, for although our ears were stunned every morning with thesound of artillery, and often with musketry, under our very noses,yet our active warlike operations were confined to one or two hostiledemonstrations, and the strengthening of our position in the mannerbefore related.
We were often at a loss during this inactive period how to pass a fewof the dull hours, which hung heavily on our hands, for none could withsafety leave the camp for more than an hour at a time, and there, ouramusem*nts were extremely limited. The fire-eaters took delightin watching the progress of our field-works, reconnoitring the enemy'sadvanced posts, and the roads leading to them. The politicians confinedthemselves to their tents, and explored the pages of the weekly packetof London and Edinburgh newspapers, which we received at that timepretty regularly. Those to whom the rattle of the dice had greatercharms[Pg 347] than the sounds of musketry, generally assembled around a tent,or under a large tree, and when the company was numerous, those whocould not be accommodated with active employment, laid bets upon theissue of each game. Whist, however, was the favourite game amongstthe officers, many of whom, or their heirs, have still dependingconsiderable sums of money on the issue of rubbers begun in 1813. Onthe 25th July, a whist party had finished one game, and were nine allof the second, when the bugle called upon them to take part in a gameof a very different description. Conceiving that they might steal asmuch time as would permit their bringing the second game to a close,they actually played it out, and then rushed from the tent, the wholeexclaiming, "We will finish the rubber when we return, the game issingle to single." The rubber is, however, still in dependence, for thesame party never afterwards met. Two of them were wounded the same day;another was taken by the enemy on the 30th, and the fourth who escapedthe balls of the enemy in Spain, is the only one of the four now alive.
A newspaper was the most acceptable present which any friend couldsend to us, during the Peninsular contest. The French officersacknowledged to us frequently, that they were miserably ill-informed ofthe issues of their most important movements and engagements. Papersthey received, but their contents were generally so much at variance[Pg 348]with the truth, that it was quite a common saying, "he lies like aMoniteur," or "he lies like a bulletin." Even the generals of brigadewere often kept in ignorance as to the result of their most importantoperations. For example, General Foy was so imperfectly informed inregard to the issue of the battle of Vittoria, that he sent a flag oftruce by an aid-de-camp for the loan of a London newspaper containingthe details of that celebrated engagement. The General's request wascomplied with. In a few days the paper was returned, along with a fewothers of Parisian manufacture. This was done by Foy, to shew us thatit was his wish to lessen the horrors of war as much as was consistentwith that military etiquette so necessary to be observed by everyofficer entrusted with the command of the advanced posts of an army, inthe presence of an enemy.
Having alluded to advanced posts, I may state that to ensure thecomplete safety of a camp, every out-lying piquet should be accompaniedby two officers, when the opposing armies are encamped close to eachother. Many things frequently conspire to render the private soldiermore inclined to resign himself into the arms of sleep, on going onsentry, than to watch with that caution so essentially necessary tothe safety of himself and friends. In bad weather, for instance, orafter a long and harassing march, it is often difficult to keep thesentries from indulging[Pg 349] in a fatal nap, though there are few ofthem but know that by doing so they may probably entail on the armydefeat or disgrace. In such circ*mstances the duties of an officerare unremitting, and frequently so severe, that he is forced, throughexhaustion, to lessen the number of his visits. The consequence ofthis is, that the sentries are but too apt to indulge in sleep. If,in addition to a piquet of this kind, an officer has one or morenon-commissioned officers piquets under his charge, or if his ownsentries should be widely extended, it is totally impossible for oneofficer to pay that attention to the whole, during the night, whichthe safety of the main body of the army so imperiously demands of him.Either he must neglect the main body of his piquet, or the detachedpiquets and sentries. If he visits the sentries, he must leave the mainbody of his piquet in charge of the sergeant, or delegate the duty ofvisiting the sentries to the latter. Now, although the non-commissionedofficers in general are much inclined to conduct themselves correctlyon such occasions, still we must not forget that they have not thesame inducements to a zealous and faithful discharge of their dutywhich their superiors have, and, on that account I should conceive itprudent, to avoid the alternatives previously alluded to, by appointingtwo officers to every out-lying piquet,—for a trifling inattention onthe part[Pg 350] of the sergeant has been, and may again be productive of mostdisastrous consequences.
From the surrender of St Sebastian to the capitulation of Pampeluna, onthe 31st of October, we felt much more at our ease than we did previousto the first event. For the fall of the former not only lessenedSoult's inducements to attack us, but added a considerable number oftroops to our effective force in the field. Our amusem*nts were alsoincreased by this event. From that period we occasionally descended tothe village of Roncesvalles, and treated ourselves to a comfortabledinner, and a tolerable bottle of country wine. For some time we hadexcellent races once a-week, and a bull-fight everyThursday. The mounted officers, who were lovers of the chase, had arich treat afforded them two or three times every week by Sir RowlandHill, whose pack of hounds was much at the service of the officers ofhis corps. About the middle of October, however, our situation becamerather uncomfortable. The ground was so saturated with moisture, thatwherever we encamped, in a day or two the whole of our encampment wasa perfect puddle. Previous to this we had slept on the ground, but welatterly made little bedsteads of the branches of trees, and by raisingthem about nine inches from the earth, and covering them with a littlestraw, grass, or fern, we reposed as comfortably as we ever did on thebest down bed in England. The weather at last[Pg 351] became so very bad,that all the troops on the right of the position were recalled fromthe heights, save the out-lying piquets, and a body of 500 men, calledthe in-lying piquet, to support the others in case of an attack. Onthe 27th of October I made one of the party of 500. When we moved fromRoncesvalles the morning was fine, the frost was severe, but there wasnot a breath of wind. In the afternoon the sky overcast,—soon aftersnow began to fall, and before sun-set the wind began to whistle. Everything now portended a storm, and to meet it we made every preparationin our power. Throughout the whole of the night the snow fell, and thewind howled, and at day-break on the 28th, the snow was drifted to aconsiderable depth. At ten o'clock, A.M. on the 28th, we wererelieved by new bodies of troops, and instantly bade adieu and for everto the right of the allied position at Roncesvalles.
In our progress back to our encampment, the snow dealt with usmercifully; but we had scarcely reached our tents when it resumed thetricks of the preceding night, and continued to fall, without thesmallest intermission, till one or two o'clock next morning, by whichtime it was a foot and a half deep in the valley, where not drifted,but on the hills it was in some places twelve feet in depth. Part ofthe out-lying piquets were covered, and had to be dug out of the snowin a pitiable state: some of them lost the use of their limbs.
[Pg 352]
In consequence of the quantity of snow which fell on my tent on thenight of the 28th, the pole of it snapt in two places about fouro'clock, A.M. on the 29th, and, without any warning, down camecanvass, pole, and snow on the top of me. My bed being nine inches fromthe ground, the snow and canvass pinned me so completely to it, thaton awaking, I fancied myself bound hand and foot, for neither the onenor the other could I move. Respiring for some time with considerabledifficulty, I began seriously to think that some persons wereattempting to smother me. But recollecting at length the position of mybed, I made an effort to throw myself from it, which with difficulty Iaccomplished. Placing my head under the bed, I breathed more freely;and, after a great struggle, I pulled a penknife from my pocket, cut ahole in the canvass, made my escape, and after wandering fully half anhour, I at length got under the protection of a friend, the pillar ofwhose house was made of sterner stuff than my own.
On the same day the brigade marched into Roncesvalles. General Byngbeing in possession of a house which was handed over for the officersof the 92d regiment, he, in the handsomest manner, not only gave up thegreater part of it instantly, but sent us all a kind invitation to dinewith him, which the field-officers, and a few more, accepted.
About the middle of October, General Mina and his Guerillas encamped inour neighbourhood.[Pg 353] Strolling one day in the vicinity of the Spanishencampment, I was accosted by an officer in very good English. Isoon discovered that he was a Frenchman, who had spent some time inLondon. At a subsequent period he entered the service of Napoleon,and served as an officer in a cavalry regiment till December 1812,when he married a Spanish lady, took leave of his countrymen,and joined Mina, by whom he was appointed a lieutenant in one of hisFrench companies, of which he had one in every battalion.These companies were composed almost exclusively of deserters, andMina as a mark of regard, or something else, assigned to themthe post of honour in every action. Of this the lieutenantcomplained bitterly, but without sufficient cause,—for what couldMina do with the deserters, but place them in situations where theeyes of all his corps could be upon them. Had he adopted a differentcourse, he would not have acted with his usual sagacity. For when twonations are at war, and a native of the one betrays his country bydeserting to the enemy, the latter, however much they may be gratifiedwith the treasonable act, never can have any regard for theTRAITOR. For having betrayed his paternal country, it is butnatural to infer, that on the very first favourable opportunity hewill betray his adopted one. The lieutenant, however, seemed to me tohave taken a diametrically opposite view of the matter, and as it ismuch to be feared that ninety-nine out of every[Pg 354] hundred of desertersapply the same flattering unction to their feelings on taking the rash,the fatal step, officers cannot too often explain to their men theheinous crime of desertion, and endeavour to show them that it is theTREASON, and NOT the TRAITOR, which findsfavour in the eyes of those to whom the latter tenders his services, ondeserting the standard of his native land.
The French cavalry regiment to which this officer was attached, havingbeen cannonaded for some time by the British, in November 1812, withlittle effect, the French soldiers, who had never before been opposedto British troops, indulged in a hearty laugh at the expense of ourartillery officers. By and bye, however, our artillery having got theproper range, sent a Shrapnell amongst them with fatal effect.The gay and joyous countenances vanished in a moment, for elevenmen had fallen, and none had discovered whence the messengers of deathhad sped on their fatal mission. Another shell followed close in thewake of the first, and doing similar execution, threw the whole corpsinto confusion, and some of them walked their horses slyly away. Duringthis state of excitement, a third shell struck the enemy's column withas fatal effect as its predecessors, when the whole regiment scamperedfrom the field, exclaiming that the devil had taken command of theBritish artillery.
[Pg 355]
CHAPTER XXVII.
Before day-break on the 6th November, a Spanish piquet, posted in avalley about a mile in front of Roncesvalles, was attacked by theenemy, and almost all killed or wounded. Although surprised, theSpaniards defended themselves with bravery, and rendered the success oftheir opponents rather dearly purchased.
The surrender of Pampeluna having placed a farther effective force often thousand men at the disposal of the Marquis of Wellington, andchanged the whole aspect of our affairs on the Pyrenees, no time waslost in making the necessary preparations for a successful attack onthe enemy's fortified position, extending from St Jean Pied-de-Porton the left, to St Jean-de-Luz on the right. Accordingly the second,third, and fourth brigades of the second division, marched fromRoncesvalles on the 6th November for the valley of Bastan.
Our advanced posts having been withdrawn from the right of ourposition, to the block-house half-way[Pg 356] between it and Roncesvalles,the enemy, anxious no doubt to discover what we were doing, pushedforward a strong reconnoitring party on the afternoon of the 7th,and attacked the block-house, in which there was a captain's piquet,composed almost exclusively of men of the 92d regiment, and commandedby a Captain Holmes of that corps. On the first alarm the first brigadegot under arms, and marched towards the scene of action. General Mina,who had for some time suspected the retailers of vegetables, &c. fromthe French side of the heights, of giving the enemy information of ourmovements, flew into the little market-place, and with a whip made themscamper off at a gallop, squeaking and screaming like as many pigs. Onperforming what the Spanish chief thought an act of justice, he mountedhis charger, and made the best of his way towards the block-house.Falling in with a few hundreds of his own troops returning from areconnoitring excursion, he caused them to wheel to the right about,and follow him. These brave fellows, preceded by their leader, andfollowed by us, ascended the mountain at a rapid pace. On drawing near,the enemy's fire was withdrawn in a great measure from the block-house,and directed upon the Spaniards, although at rather too great adistance to do much execution, and before the latter got very close,the French made off, hotly pursued by them.
About four o'clock, P.M. of the 8th, the first[Pg 357] brigademarched in the direction of Maya, and between twelve and one o'clocknext morning, arrived in the village of Los Alduides. The night beingextremely dark, the road narrow, and winding occasionally round thecorners of frightful precipices, our movements were not unattendedwith danger. The mule of a brother officer, which was fastened tomine, slipt a foot on rounding one of the sharp turns of the road, andfalling over, rolled to the bottom, and was killed on the spot.
At day-break on the 9th we resumed our arms, and rejoined the otherbrigades in rear of Maya, about four o'clock in the afternoon. Ondescending the high ridge which bounds the valley of Bastan on theeast, the whole space from Elizonda to the heights of Maya, seemedcovered with men, horses, cannon, and baggage. On such an occasion theheart of the bachelor beats light, but—
Ten thousand thousand fleet ideas, such
As never mingled with the vulgar dream,
Crowd fast into the mind's creative eye
of their married brethren, who, far from an amiable wife and darlingchildren, feel those inward pangs which the former never feel, andwhich, but for hope, sweet hope, would in many instances render themany thing but efficient members of a battalion in the field of strife.But
Hope springs eternal in the human breast,
Man never is, but always to be blest.
[Pg 358]
On finishing our cooking operations, the men stretched their weariedlimbs on the cold ground till about nine o'clock in the evening, whenthey prepared to resume their march. Being in orders for the brigadebaggage-guard, my name had scarcely appeared in the orderly books,when my tent was filled to an overflow with officers, some depositinggold, others secrets, and a third party the addresses of friends towhom I was to make known their melancholy death, should they fall inthe conflict. The scene altogether was affecting. But previous toleaving our bivouac, I prevailed upon my commanding-officer to relieveme of this duty and appoint another more advanced in years, to whom Idelivered up all the secrets, gold, and addresses, and proceeded withmy company.
Leaving our resting-place a little after nine o'clock, we crossedbefore mid-night the summit of that memorable ridge, where, far fromfriends or home, many of our companions had reposed ever since the 25thof July.
O valiant race,
Though overpowered—triumphant, and in death
Unconquered.
From the heights we moved down the top of a ridge which leads thencetowards the village of Urdax. The march, though short, was of the mostunpleasant description. The night being dark, the ground uneven, andcovered with long grass and heather, and the eyes of the whole beingmore than[Pg 359] half-closed in sleep, every moment some of us were tumblingheels over head, to the imminent danger of our noses, but to the greatamusem*nt of those few who kept themselves awake.
The rear of the first brigade was in the act of crossing the smallriver Nivelle, when at half-past six o'clock, A.M. on the10th, the artillery of the left wing announced to us that the grandstruggle had commenced. A few hundred yards from the left bank of theriver, we were ushered into a field, where we found the other brigadesof our division preparing to take part in the business of the day.Being by this time dreadfully jaded, our brigade was permitted to takea little repose before being called into active employment.
The left of the enemy's position rested on a height in rear, andconsiderably to the left of the village of Anhoe, and thence extendedalong a range of connected little hills, which there runs across thecountry in front of the towns of St Pe and St Jean-de-Luz to thesea. On their extreme left the French had crowned the heights withtwo strong redoubts, and occupied them with a considerable body ofinfantry. A little lower down, on the same ridge, and immediatelybehind the village of Anhoe, there were three redoubts, each mountingseveral pieces of cannon of large calibre. Farther to their right, andtowards the left centre of their position, the enemy had every littleeminence decorated with a field work of some description[Pg 360] or other; andfrom the centre to the extreme right, the whole was very strong, Soultexpecting that our principal attack would be made in that direction.
The third, fourth, sixth, and light divisions were directed to moveagainst the centre, and right and left centre of the French lines. Thefirst and fifth were to amuse the enemy on the right, and the seconddivision, General Hamilton's division of Portuguese infantry, andMorillo's Spanish corps, were directed to attack the redoubts in rearof Anhoe.
The first operations of the armies were completely hid from ourview; but by degrees the tide of war began to roll towards us fromthe centre, and by ten o'clock the battle had begun to rage withconsiderable fury along almost every part of the enemy's line. In thecentre, our companions had warm work of it for some time; but having,after a desperate struggle, obtained possession of one of the enemy'sprincipal redoubts, in which were nearly six hundred men, the othersdeemed it more prudent to walk off, after doing all the mischief theycould, than yielding without or braving assault.
The grand object of the attack on the centre, the breaking the enemy'schain of fortified posts, being obtained, the troops engaged at thatpoint were ordered to bring up their right and left shoulders;—thesixth division, and General Hamilton's Portuguese[Pg 361] their left;—and thethird, fourth, and light their right, and attack the inward flanks ofthe enemy's right and left wings, and in conjunction with the troops ontheir right and left, endeavour to make them relinquish their hold ofthe other portions of the position.
Generals Stewart, Clinton, and Hamilton, severally led their divisionsto the attack of the enemy behind Anhoe in fine style. Nothing indeedcould possibly be more beautiful than the operations of all the three,preceding, and pending the assault of the heights and redoubts.The face of the ridge being in some places a good deal cut up, andin others thickly studded with breast-works, our companions foundthe ascent more difficult than some of them anticipated. But theseobstacles, instead of dispiriting the assailants, rather urged themforward with a firmer and more determined pace, for
The love of praise, howe'er concealed by art,
Reigns, more or less, and glows in every heart:
It aids the dancer's heels—the writer's head,
And heaps the plain with mountains of the dead.
Having, therefore, after a long and a tough pull, fairly obtaineda footing on the higher part of the ridge, they proposed to carrythe forts by assault. This part of the operations was particularlyinteresting, as in the execution of it our troops were to shew to theworld whether their military prowess was confined to field operations,unobstructed by stone walls, or whether every description of military[Pg 362]work was to them the same. The conflict was severe, but not very long,for the enemy, seeing that the British were determined to bear down allopposition, retired from their strongholds one after another, and atlength making a virtue of necessity, finally left the heights, (theirown guns giving them a parting salute,) and retired towards Cambo, onthe Nive.
The allied forces which moved against the French right wing, were longand sharply engaged in the neighbourhood of St Pe. They at lengthsucceeded, however, in forcing the enemy from the town to some heightsabove it, from which they annoyed our men very much with a sharpdischarge of musketry till it was pretty late in the evening, when
The bugles sang truce for the night cloud had lowered,
And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky,
And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered,
The weary to sleep, and the wounded to die.
Pending these operations, a body of Spanish troops crossed the heightsof Maya, and attacked the advanced posts of the enemy's left wing withspirit; but pushing their success farther than prudence warranted, theywere attacked in turn, and driven into the valley of Bastan, wherethe French succeeded in capturing some of our light cavalry baggage.How the enemy accomplished this, was a complete puzzle to many. Itwas related at the time, and very generally credited, that if commonprudence or exertion had been used, not a particle[Pg 363] of baggage wouldhave fallen into the hands of the French. On obtaining possession ofthe person and personal baggage of a British pay-master, the enemypressed him hard for cash. Conceiving that a few guineas would satisfyhis unwelcome visitants, he handed them as many as would have made thewhole party more than half-seas-over. These they most kindly accepted,and politely solicited a fresh supply. In hopes that a few more wouldrid him of their presence, the pay-master consented to make a farthersacrifice, but instead of satisfying, it only tended to sharpen theappetite of the plunderers for the precious metal. A fresh supplywas necessary, and down came a hundred guineas. Surely the fellowswill now cry enough, thought the pay-master, but, no! another hundredrung in his ears like the sound of a funeral bell. On tendering thesecond hundred—I have no more, said the pay-master—we will provethat replied the French. Tapping him on the shoulder, the latter saidin a jocular manner, "Come now, just another hundred if you please,"and repeated the same thing on receiving every additional hundred,till the pay-master had "dropped," not quite so many guineas as theblind beggar of Bethlehem-Green did on the marriage of his daughter,but considerably more than he could afford to lose, or any governmentshould under similar circ*mstances be called upon to pay.
In this battle, generally termed the battle of the[Pg 364] Nivelle, our losswas 3000 killed and wounded; that of the enemy was estimated at 4000killed and wounded, and 1500 prisoners. Fifty-one pieces of cannon alsofell into our hands.
Soult having withdrawn his right wing from its position in front of StJean-de-Luz during the night of the 10th, and morning of the 11th, theallied army moved forward on the latter, the left wing towards Bayonne,the right upon Cambo on the Nive. About ten o'clock, A.M. onthe 11th, the second division quitted the heights from which they haddriven the enemy the preceding day, and after a trip of three or fourmiles halted in a field, where, under a torrent of rain, it remainedthe whole day without making any attempt to drive the French fartherback, although they were but a little way from us all the time. TheFrench, however, retired about sun-set; we advanced to an eminencecovered with heath, on the left of the principal road from Anhoe toCambo, and about three miles from the latter. Here we spent a mostuncomfortable night, for the brush-wood being so wet that it would notburn, we were deprived of our usual allowance of warm water, eithermade into soup, or its more refreshing relative, tea.
Sir Rowland Hill being ordered to dislodge the enemy from Cambo, thedivision got under arms a little before mid-day on the 12th. Thesecond and third brigades moved first towards the river Nive, but onarriving within a few hundred yards of it,[Pg 365] they brought up their leftshoulders, and then advanced direct upon Cambo. The first brigade movedobliquely to the right, till it gained the high road, and then pushedalong, drove back the enemy's piquets within a short distance of theirworks, and turning to the right, ascended an eminence which overlookedthe town, and the whole of the enemy's defences within range of theartillery. Here Sir Rowland reconnoitered the French, when finding thembetter prepared for us than was expected, he contented himself withdriving back their light troops, and cannonading the garrison. In theevening we retired about a mile, and encamped.
Two worthy pay-masters, anxious to see how the heads took leave ofthe shoulders of their friends, but at such a distance as to precludeevery chance of a similar compliment being paid to themselves, veryknowingly rode round the rear base of the ridge on which we wereposted, conversing on every subject save dead and wounded pay-masters.Moving along, therefore, in conscious security, and casting an eyeoccasionally to the left to see if any friendly sconce was twirlingdown the face of the hill, Mr A. had just withdrawn his optics fromthat quarter, and remarked to Mr B. that they had a better berth of itthan their friends on the top of the hill, when a large cannon-ballplunged into the earth, under his horse's belly,—on perceiving which,
Away went Gilpin—away went he.
[Pg 366]
We had not been long in our bivouack, before the rain began to pouron us with its usual severity, and continued to pelt us unmercifullythroughout the whole of the night. Our baggage being still in rear, andthe wind being high, nothing could be more truly miserable than thesituation of the whole brigade at day-break on the 13th. By arrangingourselves around a few blazing fires, however, we contrived at lengthto have one side always pretty comfortable. Thus while one-half of ourpersons was nearly roasted, the other was cold as a piece of ice.
On the arrival of our baggage in the afternoon, we were morecomfortable, but the rain ceased not night or day, from the evening ofthe 12th, to the morning of the 16th, when the enemy retired across theNive, and destroyed two arches of the bridge to prevent us followingthem. On taking possession of Cambo, a few hours afterwards, its wholepopulation consisted of a dragoon who had been left behind, an old manand his wife, completely bed-ridden, and a pig, for the head of whichI paid a few days after no less than four dollars. The absenceof the inhabitants we did not regret, for having left all their beddingbehind them, it afforded us a treat such as we had seldom experiencedduring the previous six months, having been only thirteen nightsunder the roof of a house, out of one hundred and eighty-one days thecampaign had continued.
[Pg 367]
Liberty is so highly prized by, and is so essentially necessary tothe well-being of every individual, that we cannot be surprised thatmen should be tenacious of what they conceive to be their glory andhappiness, and in defence of, or to preserve it, sacrifice all, evenlife itself. An example of the strength of this feeling, appears in thefollowing occurrence:—
About an hour after we took possession of Cambo, a private soldierof the 66th British regiment, who was made prisoner by the enemy onthe 10th of November, escaped from his jailers, and from a villageimmediately opposite to Cambo, made direct for the bridge, amid a sharpfire from a long chain of sentries. Finding the bridge destroyed, heseemed to hesitate whether he would return to his prison, or commithimself to the raging waters. A great part of our brigade having bythis time lined the bank of the river, provided with ropes, canteenstraps, &c. to assist him, cheered on seeing him stop, which no doubtencouraged him to attempt a passage from the right to the left bankof the Nive. In an instant he plunged into the river, which beingdreadfully swollen, carried him down at a fearful rate; for a fewseconds, appearances were in favour of his gaining the left bank insafety, but after being more than two-third parts of the way across,he sunk, then rose, but sunk again. A second time he appeared on thesurface of the[Pg 368] foaming deep, but in two or three seconds he againdisappeared, and never rose again.
The French having destroyed all the bridges on the Nive, and the riverbeing so far above its usual level, as to render a passage by the fordsimpracticable, the two armies remained cantoned on the Nive and theAdour, from the 16th November to the 8th of December, without eitherparty attempting to resume the offensive. During all this time wewere really on a friendly footing with our opponents. The latter camedown to the right bank of the Nive, and conversed with us freely onevery subject save politics. They were particularly anxious, however,to obtain information regarding the campaign in Germany, for theycandidly admitted that the retreat of Bonaparte towards France, but illcorresponded with the bulletins he had caused to be published at Paris.To enlighten them in the matter, we sent them some London newspapers,for which we received a few Moniteurs in return. This we continued todo on the arrival of every succeeding packet from England, until ourintercourse was again interrupted by active operations.
War, even when conducted according to the law of civilized nations, isattended with so many evils, that every man possessed of one spark ofhumanity, will forbear to add to them; and when measures of severityare absolutely necessary to accomplish those things which his duty mayrequire him to[Pg 369] perform, they will still be tempered with moderationand humanity, and instantly cease when the object he has in view isobtained. The lustre of military achievements is tarnished by nothingso much as by cruelty, which affords pleasure only to men of the mostdepraved habits. Acts such as that which I am about to relate, whetherto gratify a mean grovelling revenge, or to suit political convenience,cannot fail to expose the perpetrators to the indignation of everyperson in whose breast there is to be found one particle of justice orhumanity.
An officer of the 92nd regiment being on piquet at the bridge oneevening, hailed the French sentry posted at the opposite side of thechasm made by the enemy when they retired from Cambo, and as he spokethe French language fluently, desired him to say to the officer onpiquet, that he wished to have a little chit-chat with him. The latterinstantly appeared, but instead of agreeing to the proposal of hisopponent, he threatened him with the vengeance of all the men underhis command if he did not immediately retire. In vain did LieutenantH——bs explain the object he had in view. Bellowing and stamping likea madman, the French officer would listen to no explanation—wouldhear of no apology—the opportunity or lessening the number of hisenemy's being too favourable to allow to pass unimproved. Finding thatthe wrath of the hot-headed mortal would only be appeased[Pg 370] by blood,Lieutenant H——bs considered it more prudent to retire than brave theother alternative offered him. He accordingly walked away towards thepiquet-house at the end of the bridge, on entering which, a ball struckthe door a few inches from his head, fired from a French musket, byorder of this disgrace to the military habit.
A few days afterwards I was detached one morning before day-breakup the left bank of the Nive, to watch the motions of ournot-to-be-trusted friends. Placing myself behind a verylarge tree, immediately opposite to a village where the enemy hada considerable body of infantry, I fancied myself completely outof their view. Obtaining a glimpse of me, however, before they haddismissed their troops from the alarm-post, the officer commandingthe out-lying piquet advanced towards the river, and lifting his cap,pointed to Cambo. Paying no attention to the hint, it was instantlyrepeated. Having again disregarded it, he, instead of repeating thefriendly signal, called down two files of his piquet, and detached asmany to his right and left. These ominous preparations, particularlyas my mission had ended, induced me to remove from my hiding-place,and wend my way to Cambo. With my friend's bridge adventure fresh inmy recollection, and not knowing but I might be treated in a similarmanner, I quitted my retreat cautiously, which my opponent observing,he, to remove all suspicion from my mind, again stepped forward,[Pg 371] andafter saluting me two or three times in the most gentlemanly manner,rejoined his piquet, evidently pleased with the issue of the affair.The conduct of this officer forms a delightful contrast with thatof his brother sub. at the bridge of Cambo, who, of all the Frenchofficers then immediately opposed to us, was perhaps the only one whocould have been guilty of such a cruel, and truly ungentlemanly act.
Being of opinion that the death of every officer killed with the firstbattalion, whose proper place at the time was the second battalionat home, would afford his countrymen good grounds for charging himwith the crime of MURDER, Colonel Cameron laid it down as aninvaluable rule, to apply for leave to send home the officers belongingto the second battalion, on their being relieved by the effectivemembers from home. Accordingly, on the arrival of a detachment atCambo, on the 27th November, the Colonel applied, and obtainedpermission for myself and three other officers to proceed to England.
The latter having arranged with the pay-master early in the forenoon,took leave of Cambo at three o'clock on the 8th of December. But eighto'clock having tolled before that indispensable personage and myselfhad adjusted our matters, and as an order had been issued some hoursbefore, for a general attack upon the enemy's position along the wholeline of the Nive, I waited upon the commanding-officer,[Pg 372] and requestedpermission to accompany him across the river on the following morning.To this application he quickly and sternly replied, "No, Sir, you havedone enough;" and as if this refusal was not sufficient, he sent theAdjutant to me a few minutes afterwards to intimate, that if I didnot leave Cambo immediately, I would incur his displeasure,—and if Iattempted to join the regiment in the morning, he would place me underarrest. Although perfectly aware that the Colonel's conduct proceededfrom a friendly intention, I was nevertheless dreadfully disappointed,for on such an occasion I thought he might have indulged me.
The night being dark, and my knowledge of the road being slender, Iventured for the first time in my life to disobey the orders of mycommanding-officer, and join a party of my friends who had assembledto dedicate a cup to him who was on the eve of bidding some of them aneternal farewell. After spending two or three happy hours, we threwourselves upon our mattresses, to catch a little repose before weshould be called upon—my brethren to proceed in search of new dangersand victories, and I in search of home and friends. When I gazed onthe gay and joyous countenances of the group, as each individual roseto retire from the festive scene, and reflected on what an importantchange they severally might undergo before the close of another day,my feelings had nearly overpowered[Pg 373] me. To describe them on thatoccasion words are inadequate. Suffice it to say that they were thefeelings of a man taking leave of companions whose friendship hepossessed,—friendship contracted in the haunts of peace, and cementedin the field of strife. Not that kind of friendship which grows out ofinterested motives or designs, but that which makes one man take asmuch interest in the fate and fortunes of another, as if they were hisown.
Having performed the painful task of taking leave of my friends, Ibade adieu to Cambo about four o'clock in the morning of the 9thof December, and proceeded towards Espalete. I had not proceededfar, however, before I fell in with a column of Portuguese infantryhastening to the place of rendezvous. Ashamed to meet them under suchcirc*mstances, I quitted the road, but had scarcely done so, when Ipopped into a ditch filled with water and clay. In a most uncomfortablestate I jogged along till I reached Espalete; where meeting with anold acquaintance in the person of a commissary, I walked with him tohis lodgings, and there spent a couple of hours, cracking the shellsof a dozen of my friend's eggs, and exchanging the mid-night dress forone more comfortable and less offensive to the eye. On arriving atSt Pe, we procured a little refreshment in a house which still borenumerous marks of the conflict of the 10th of November, some of themusket-balls[Pg 374] being still in the wood of the partitions and windows.The worthy occupants having a son a prisoner of war in Scotland, theybegged our acceptance of a few apples to carry with us to the Land ofCakes.
Arriving in St Jean-de-Luz about sun-set, we procured a billet upon afifth-rate tavern. The entertainment was bad, and prices exorbitant.Next morning we quitted St Jean, and proceeded towards Passages, theplace of embarkation. On a height on the right bank of the Bidassoawe remained half-an-hour, indulging ourselves with a distant view ofthe conflict between Sir John Hope's corps and the enemy near Bayonne.Crossing the river soon after, we passed through Irun, and halted forthe night at Renteria. On the 11th we arrived in Passages, and nextday embarked in the Britannia transport for England. Previous to goingon board, we had the pleasure of seeing Colonel Kruse, at the head ofthe regiments of Frankfort and Nassau, march into Passages to embark.These two corps quitted the standards of the enemy during the action ofthe 10th near Bayonne. They were very fine looking fellows, and seemedquite delighted with the prospect of returning to their native country.
Early in the morning of the 17th December, our transport, andten others, under convoy of a gun-brig, sailed from Passages. Onclearing the harbour, we cast a wistful eye towards the spot[Pg 375] whencewe had come, and could not resist repeating, Farewell ye tentedfields!—farewell ye plains and towering heights, stained with theblood of the best and dearest of our friends! For our native landwe now leave thy shores, where in the bosom of our families wehope to spend a few days in peace and domestic felicity. Gallantcompanions,—of your heroic deeds we will read with delight, and in thefond expectation of again joining you at an early period to share inyour dangers and your glory, we bid you all farewell!
At this time the sky was clear—not a cloud in the horizon, and scarcea ripple on the water. So beautiful indeed, and cheering were the raysof the Sun, that the mighty Leviathans themselves skipped and gamboledfor joy. Two of these tremendous marine animals actually remainedalongside of us for more than an hour. At sun-set the weather wasequally promising, but soon after, the clouds,
Dispersed and wild, 'twixt earth and sky
Hung like a shattered canopy!
While
—— unheeded from the Bay
The vessel ploughed her mournful way.
At seven, P.M. the wind became foul, and blew fresh. An hourafter,—the lightning flashed, and the thunder rolled,—at first likethe long-roll of the muffled drum, but latterly like the salvo's ofa numerous artillery. At three o'clock, A.M. on the[Pg 376] 18th,the thunder ceased,—but from that hour down to four o'clock in theafternoon of the 20th, when we returned into port, the wind blew aperfect hurricane.
We again put to sea on the 27th of December, and after a very pleasantpassage, landed at Plymouth on the 4th of January 1814. On the 6thwe proceeded towards London, where we arrived on the evening of the8th, after a tedious ride. On arriving in London, we quitted thestage-coach in the Haymarket, placed all our trunks in a street coach,under charge of Captain M'R—— of the 79th regiment, and walked to theOld Slaughter's Coffee-house, St Martin's Lane,—for many years thehead-quarters of the officers of our regiment, when duty or curiosityled any of us to visit the metropolis. On the gallant Captain'sarrival, a trunk of mine was found to be absent without leave, in whichwere deposited upwards of twenty letters from officers, and two ordersfor money, besides a number of valuable articles of wearing apparel.On perceiving my loss, I wished to advertise it as stolen, but MrReid of the Old Slaughter's strongly opposed this, and it was finallyadvertised as lost. The result showed the soundness of Mr Reid'sadvice, for by ten o'clock on the morning the advertisem*nt appeared inthe Times, the portmanteau was at the bar unopened. In London,gangs of depredators are constantly prowling the streets in searchof plunder; and when they obtain it in the[Pg 377] way they got hold of mybaggage, they generally keep it past them for some time unopened, when,if advertised as lost, and a reward offered, as in my case, the thiefthen returns the property like an honest man, and receives thereward of his DISHONESTY.
At the end of a week I took leave of the metropolis, and after spendinga few days with my friends on the way, I rejoined the second battalionof the regiment in Glasgow, in the end of January.
[Pg 378]
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The few months which I spent with the second battalion in Glasgow,were so extremely barren of incident, that I shall pass them overin silence. The regiment quitted the metropolis of the West on the1st, and occupied the Castle of Edinburgh on the 3d of August 1814.On the 16th of the same month, I, along with seven officers and 140men returned to Glasgow, and from thence went to Greenock to embarkfor the first battalion in Ireland. On our arrival at the place ofembarkation on the 21st, we were not a little astonished to find thatthe transports had quitted the harbour that morning empty. Three otherdetachments marched in on the same day, but the whole were ordered torejoin their second battalions. We remained in Greenock nearly threeweeks, to our great personal discomfort, and the manifest injury of ourpurses. An order at length arrived for us to proceed to Glasgow, whencetwo of the officers, and all the men, returned to Edinburgh, and therest joined the first battalion[Pg 379] then quartered in Fermoy. In NovemberI returned to Scotland, where I remained until April 1815, when Ijoined my old companions, then on the eve of embarking for Belgium.
Being quite unprepared for such an event, the return of the Exileof Elba to France produced varied sensations in the breasts of themembers of the British army. Those who, during the previous contest,had ascended the ladder of promotion at a pace little swifter than thatof the snail, viewed the prospect of another interminable contest withno very agreeable feelings. Those who had friends who could give theman additional hitch up the ladder, or help them to some snug staffsituation, were quite delighted on the occasion. A third class, iftheir assertions could be credited, were more anxious to have a placeassigned them within point blank shot of the enemy's artillery, thanone, far removed from the scene of danger. But who for a moment couldgive credit to such an asseveration? Where is the man, who, having achoice of alternatives, would not rather prefer remaining in a placeof security with honour, than rush into one where the chances aredecidedly against his escaping without a severe or a mortal wound?Point him out, and he shall very soon be told, that either he possessesthe spirit of a demon, or he longs to commit a suicidal crime,—fornothing but an unquenchable thirst after human blood, or a sinceredesire to quit this[Pg 380] world, could make any man prefer a scene of strifeand slaughter, to one of peace and honourable repose.
War, the last remedy for the cure of national complaints, shouldnever be applied until every other has proved ineffectual. It oughtnever to be undertaken but on just grounds, for those who engage init from motives of interest or ambition, become accountable for allthe crimes that are committed,—the property destroyed,—and thehuman blood shed daring its continuance. Happy would it have been forNapoleon Bonaparte, for France, and for all those countries into whichhe carried his arms, had he viewed war in this light, and consideredit more glorious to employ his military talents in defence of hispeople, and in securing them all the blessings of a lasting peace,than engaging in hazardous enterprises, from which he never could haveexpected any greater reward than a portion of that phantom glory, whichin all ages has proved the ruin and the death of millions.
A conqueror such as Napoleon, who has acquired military renown by theruin of empires, and the death of millions, cannot be compared toany thing more aptly than a flood, which destroys every thing in itscourse,—or to a beast of prey, which delights in blood and slaughter.Man being naturally active and restless, seldom fails, when notusefully employed, to engage in enterprises which but too often injurehimself or others. Of[Pg 381] this fact Napoleon furnishes us with ampleproof. Whenever he had no immediate prospect of advancing his darlingobject in France, that instant he cast his eye over Europe—selected anantagonist—picked a quarrel with him—put his armies in motion—andthen trampled upon the rights and liberties of every nation throughwhich he marched his troops to the scene of action. His toweringambition aimed at nothing less than universal monarchy; to attainwhich he waded through rivers of blood. For many years neither rocks,mountains, deserts, seas, nor rivers, could check his desolating course.
These facts being fresh in the recollection of the allied sovereigns,the ex-Emperor's landing in France was no sooner communicated to themat Vienna, than the clang of arms resounded throughout every corner ofcontinental Europe,—the trumpet of war again sounded the dreadful noteof preparation, and those warriors, who in the previous campaigns hadlent their aid to break the charm of French invincibility, were,—whenalmost on the threshold of their peaceful habitations,—ordered toretrace their steps, without tasting of any of those sweets which ameeting of friends after a long absence never fails to produce.
Having previously purchased a comfortable sea-stock, and suppliedourselves with whatever was necessary for a long campaign on thecontinent, we left Cork barracks on the 1st of May, and the[Pg 382] sameafternoon embarked at Cove. Early on the 3d we prepared to depart,and were clear of the harbour before mid-day. Scudding along witha favourable gale, we passed between the Rocks of Scilly and theLand's End on the morning of the 5th, looked into Plymouth on the6th; Portsmouth on the 7th; passed Dungeness on the 8th, and next daydropped anchor two miles from Ostend. In the afternoon a few of thetroops were landed, and the rest on the following morning. In theevening of the 10th we moved along the Ghent canal in long boats, asfar as Bruges, where we halted till sun-rise on the 11th, when weresumed our voyage, and at eight o'clock in the evening cast anchor atGhent.
The city of Ghent, or Gand, is situated on the Scheldt, and at anequal distance from Ostend and Brussels, viz. from twenty-six tothirty miles. The city possesses a spacious market-place, which onmarket days is almost completely covered with the booths of itinerantmerchants. Its streets are spacious and clean, but are cut in numerousplaces by canals, which intersect each other so in various parts ofthe city, that to connect the islands on which the town stands,no fewer than three hundred and twenty-eight bridges were thennecessary. In consequence of this, the city covers an amazing space ofground, nearly double that occupied by the city of Edinburgh, thoughthe population does not amount to half the number of the[Pg 383] latter. Inevery quarter of the town we were treated with great hospitality by thepeople, who were really angry if we would not consent to live with them.
When Louis XVIII. found himself compelled by the defection of histroops to leave his native country, he retired in the first instanceto Ostend, and subsequently to Ghent, where a suitable residence wasprovided for him by the king of the Netherlands. During our stay inthis city we were afforded repeated opportunities of testifying tothe exiled monarch, how deeply we sympathized with him on his recentmisfortunes. He took a daily airing in a coach and four, and wasgenerally accompanied by a detachment of the garde-du-corps. For afew days after we went to Ghent, gentlemen were admitted to the royalpresence during dinner; a piece of very ridiculous and troublesomecondescension. A guard of British troops went on duty at the temporarypalace every day, and the officers dined at one of the tables, where asenior officer of the household troops always presided.
At day-break on the 27th of May, the 28th, 32d, 42d, 44th, 79th, and92d regiments, and 3d battalion rifle corps, marched from Ghent,under the command of Colonel Cameron, 92d, to Alost, and next morningcontinued their route to Brussels. At Alost, a French officer, inthe suite of Louis XVIII., but who had held a commission in[Pg 384] theBritish service for twenty-one years, informed us that he was presentwhen Marshal Ney bedewed the king's hands with tears, on takingleave to bring Bonaparte to Paris in an iron cage. He described theinterview as so extremely interesting, that not only His Majesty,but all who witnessed it, were sensibly affected. From that time theBourbon adherents were pleased to bestow on the gallant Marshal, thename which above all others is the most abhorrent to the ear of aChristian—"Judas Ney."
Brussels having been described a thousand times over by pens far ablerthan mine, I conceive it to be quite unnecessary to enter upon alengthened eulogy of the fascinating squares, parks, and walks, of thatcelebrated city, and therefore shall proceed to describe the countrysixteen miles to the south of it, as it appeared to me on the memorable16th, 17th and 18th days of June 1815. Before doing so, however, Ishall lay before my readers a state, shewing the distribution of theBritish and Hanoverian troops on the day preceding the battle of QuatreBras, and also a few particulars illustrative of our proceedings, andthat of our great Leader, from the time that the latter received thefirst intelligence of Bonaparte's movement across the frontier, downto that hour in which we quitted the capital of Belgium to meet ourantagonists on the plains of Quatre-Bras.
[Pg 385]
Cavalry.
The whole were under the orders of Lieutenant-General
The Earl of Uxbridge.
1st Brigade,—Major-General Lord Edward Somerset,
The 1st and 2nd Life Guards, Horse Guards (Blue) and
1st Dragoon Guards.
2nd Brigade,—Major-General Sir William
Ponsonby, k.c.b.
The 1st, 2nd (Scot's Greys) and 6th Dragoons.
3rd Brigade,—Major-General Sir W. Dornberg, k.c.b.
The 1st and 2nd Light Dragoons, King's German Legion
and the British 23rd Light Dragoons.
4th Brigade,—Major-General Sir Ormsby Vandeleur, k.c.b.
The 11th, 12th, and 16th Light Dragoons.
5th Brigade,—Major-General Sir Colquhoun Grant, k.c.b.
The 2nd, 7th, and 15th Hussars.
6th Brigade,—Major-General Sir Richard Hussey
Vivian, k.c.b.
The 1st, 10th, and 18th Hussars.
7th Brigade,—Col. Baron Sir F. De-Arentscheldt, k.c.b.
The 3rd Hussars and 13th Light Dragoons.
Infantry.
1st Brigade,—Major-General Peregrine Maitland,
The 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 1st Foot Guards.
2nd Brigade,—Major-General Sir John Byng, k.c.b.
The 3rd Battalion of the Coldstream, and 2nd Battalion of
the 3rd Foot Guards.
3rd Brigade,—Major-General Frederick Adam.
The 1st Battalions of the 52nd and 71st, and 2nd Battalion
95th Rifle Regiment.
[Pg 386]
4th Brigade,—Colonel H. Mitchell,
The 3rd Battalion 14th, the 23rd and 51st Regiments.
5th Brigade,—Major-General Sir Charles Halket, k.c.b.
The 33rd and 2nd Battalions of the 30th, 69th, and 73rd
Regiments.
6th Brigade,—Major-General Johnson,
The 54th, 2nd Battalions of 35th and 59th, and 1st Battalion
of the 91st Regiment.
7th Brigade,—Major-General Du Plat,
The 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Battalions King's German
Legion.
8th Brigade,—Major General Sir James Kemp, k.c.b.
The 28th, 32nd and 1st Battalions 79th and 95th Regiments.
9th Brigade,—Major-General Sir Denis Pack, k.c.b.
The 3rd Battalion Royals, 2nd Battalion, 44th, the 42nd
and 92nd Regiments.
10th Brigade,—Major-General Sir John Lambert.
The 1st Battalions 4th and 27th, the 2nd Battalion, 81st
and 40th Regiment.
1st Division,—Major-General George Cook,
The 1st and 2nd Brigades.
2nd Division,—Lieutenant-General Sir Henry
Clinton, k.g.c.b.
The 3rd and 7th British Brigades, and 3rd Hanoverian
Brigade.
3rd Division,—Lieutenant-General Baron Sir Charles
Alten, k.c.b.
The 5th British 1st Hanoverian, and 1st Brigade King's
German Legion.
[Pg 387]
4th Division,—Lieutenant-General Sir Charles
Colville, k.g.c.b.
The 4th and 6th British, and 6th Hanoverian Brigade.
5th Division,—Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas
Picton, k.g.c.b.
The 8th and 9th British, and 5th Hanoverian Brigade.
1st Corps of Infantry,—General, His Royal Highness the
Prince of Orange, k.g.c.b.
The 1st, 3rd and 5th Divisions.
2nd Corps,—Lieutenant-General, Lord Hill, k.g.c.b.
The 2nd and 4th Divisions.
The 10th Brigade being composed of troops just arrived from America,only joined us on the morning of the 18th, and at that date were not, Ibelieve, placed in any division.
Artillery.
Colonel Sir George Wood.
The exact number of guns in the field I cannot positivelystate, but they were estimated at from 140 to 160.
On the 4th of June, the Duke of Wellington, accompanied by PrinceBlucher, reviewed the fifth division in the vicinity of Brussels. ThePrince was lavish of his praise; and the Duke seemed quite delightedon perceiving so many of his old Peninsular friends again under hiscommand. On passing the venerable warrior, and his more youthfulcompeer, my attention was completely abstracted[Pg 388] from the business inwhich we were engaged, and rivetted on the countenances of the twoheroes, to whom, above all others, Europe was most indebted for herliberty in 1814. But for the noble stand which the Duke of Wellingtonmade in the Peninsula, the Russian Autocrat would never have bravedthe collossal power of the French Ruler; and had Blucher shewn lessspirit and enterprise, the allies would not have arrived before thegates of Paris in March 1814. Such being the facts, was there any thingunreasonable in us looking forward to the military talents of theDuke, and the spirit and enterprise of the Prince, producing, in 1815,results similar to those of the previous campaign? I think not: butyet I must confess that our expectations were considerably lowered ona minute examination of the number and quality of the troops composingthe hostile armies. The Emperor of France having recalled to hisstandard a great proportion of his old soldiery, had many thousands whojust returned from prison in Britain, Russia, &c. were not only ready,but, their natural bravery having been whetted, rather than blunted bya residence in a foreign land, were also willing, indeed anxious, toundertake the most hazardous enterprises, if directed against theirformer antagonists.
To oppose an army of 140,000 or 150,000 men, to whom danger had longbeen familiar, and spoliation but too long their daily occupation,the two chiefs had under their command a force equally[Pg 389] numerous, butnot all so efficient in the field. The Prussians were a fine body ofmen, brave, hardy, and well-disciplined, but not a few of them weremilitia. The Hanoverians were very young men, and many of the officerswere little better than children. The Dutch and the Belgians were finelooking fellows, but some of the latter had fought too long under thetri-color flag. The British were animated with the best spirit, buttheir numbers were small, and nearly one-half of them had never beenin a field of strife. Therefore, although the armies of the Duke ofWellington and Prince Blucher were equally formidable in point ofnumerical strength, still they were in many other respects greatlyinferior to their opponents.
With this force, however, inferior in physical strength as it was, theyhad no alternative, but to meet the foe should he venture across thefrontier. Circ*mstances, unfortunately, prevented the British generalfrom having the several divisions of his army cantoned so favourablyas he could have wished. This, although occasioned by the difficultyexperienced by the commissary in finding forage for such a large bodyof cavalry and baggage animals, has been made the subject of a verygrave charge against the Field-Marshal, by those who have permitted thenecessity of the case to escape their observation. But another and moreserious charge has been preferred against the Duke on this occasion,viz. attending a ball given by the[Pg 390] duch*ess of Richmond, when he shouldhave been engaged in making arrangements for the dreadful meetingbetween himself and his formidable opponent. Had the latter beenpreferred by some hair-brained or disappointed person, I should nothave considered it necessary to notice it here. But having heard thecharge preferred by thousands who actually believed it to be true, andknowing, as I do, the whole to be a malicious fabrication propagatedto detract from the honours which the Duke had won on many a bloodyfield, I trust I may be permitted to state a few facts connected withthis subject, which is to be hoped will set the matter at rest in thebreasts of those who may do me the honour to look into the pages ofthis volume.
Every thing being prepared on the part of the enemy to open thecampaign with eclat, Bonaparte quitted Paris on the 12th of June, andon the 14th issued a proclamation to the soldiers, in which, afterrecalling to their remembrance the deeds of former times, he verycandidly told them they had battles to fight, and dangers to encounter,but assured them, that with steadiness and valour, victory would betheirs.
Early on the morning of the 15th of June, the French army crossed theSambre at various places, and then directed its march upon Charleroi,where General Ziethen, with the first corps of the Prussian army, wasposted. After a smart affair,[Pg 391] the latter retired upon Fleurus, thepoint of assembly, whether they were pursued by the right wing, andright of the left wing under Napoleon himself. At a subsequent periodof the day, the Prussians retired still farther to Ligny, followed bythe enemy. The left of the French army, under Marshal Ney, moved uponthe high road to Brussels, and drove back a corps of Belgians, underthe Prince of Weimar, first to the position of Frasne, and latterly toQuatre-Bras.
At seven o'clock that evening, Captain H——, Lieutenant G——, andmyself, strolled as far as the park to enjoy our usual promenade. Wehad scarcely gone half way down one of the walks, when Dr H——, whohad dined with the Duke of Wellington, (or rather who did so everyday,) stepped hastily up to Captain H——, who was an old acquaintance,and with considerable earnestness requested us to go home and packup our baggage, as Napoleon was in motion. Being curious, as may beconceived, to know a few more particulars, we pressed the Doctor sohard to satisfy our curiosity, that he at length informed us thatduring dinner, the Field-Marshal received a despatch from PrinceBlucher, intimating that he had been attacked. On the cloth beingremoved, the Duke, filling his glass, called a bumper, and then gaveas a toast, "Prince Blucher and the Prussian army, and success tothem." On paying this mark of respect to his gallant colleague, the[Pg 392]Field-Marshal rose from the table, retired to his closet, and in a fewminutes dispatched the necessary orders to every division of the alliedarmy. The reader must remember that this was three hours beforethe ball commenced, and four before the Marshal entered the ball-room,which he did but for a few minutes, a little after eleven o'clock. Butmore; the troops in Brussels had not only received orders of readiness,but had received six day's bread, and were actually on the streets longbefore the ball began. All these things, therefore, afford the mostconvincing proof that the whole story has been fabricated for the worstof purposes, viz. to injure the character of the Duke of Wellington,and by contrast to raise that of Napoleon.
[Pg 393]
CHAPTER XXIX.
Between eight and nine o'clock in the evening, the troops in Brusselsreceived orders to be ready to fall in at a moment's notice, and atthe same time six day's bread and biscuit was issued to each man. Thiswas rather too much, for the soft staff of life was so bulky,that few of the men could stow the whole of it away. In many instances,therefore, the bread was either left in the street, or with those onwhom the soldiers were quartered. About half-past eleven, the buglesand bag-pipes gave signal to prepare for battle. At the first sounds ofthe warlike instruments, the fifth division flew to arms, and a littleafter mid-night was drawn up in the park and Place Royal in marchingorder. At half-past three we moved out of Brussels by the Namur gate,and directed our march upon the then obscure, but now immortalizedvillage of Waterloo. Close to this place we halted from half-past eighttill nearly eleven, when we resumed our arms, and proceeded towardsthe[Pg 394] enemy, followed by the Brunswick infantry. At one, we halted ona height in rear of Genappe for a quarter of an hour, and then againadvanced, and on descending the height, the thunder of the enemy'sartillery was for the first time heard in the distance; and abouthalf-past two we arrived at Quatre-Bras, just in time to prevent thatpost falling into the hands of the enemy.
Various circ*mstances conspired to render the defence of this post ameasure of indispensible necessity. At the village, or rather largefarm-steading of Quatre-Bras, the highway from Brussels to Charleroiis intersected by another, running from Nivelles, &c. to St Amand andLigny, where father Blucher and his gallant children had just engagedin mortal combat with their inveterate enemies. To have tamely yieldedup, or abandoned this position, therefore, on the 16th, would haveplaced the whole of the Prussian army in a situation of great andimminent peril, for by doing so we would have left their extreme rightso completely uncovered, that as soon as Ney saw us fairly out of theroad, he would have carried his troops from Quatre-Bras to St Amandin a couple of hours, and in the heat of the conflict with Napoleon,attacked the right of Blucher with fatal effect. Of this there can beno doubt; and I conceive there can be as little, that had Marshal Neybeen permitted to throw such a preponderating force into the scaleagainst the Prussians on the[Pg 395] afternoon of the 16th of June, theymust have suffered a severe defeat. Their line of communication withus would, in all probability, have been cut off—the original plan ofoperations rendered abortive, and the allied army placed in a periloussituation.
On first coming in sight of the French, we found their right wingresting on the heights of Frasne, and their left stretching across theplain as far as the wood of Bossu. The latter skirted the right of theroad from Brussels, till it passed the village about 150 yards. Butalthough it run no farther in that direction, the wood extended a greatway to the right, bounding numerous fields of wheat and rye, which laybetween it and the French position, and which for some time tended toscreen the enemy, not from our fire, but from our view.
The ridge on which Quatre-Bras stands runs in some degree parallel tothat of Frasne, but is not so high. Perceiving it to be the Marshal'sintention to obtain possession of the crown of the eminence atQuatre-Bras, our General dispatched the foreign troops into the wood ofBossu, and the eighth brigade, 28th, 32d, 79th, and 95th rifles, underMajor-General Sir James Kempt, into the plain on the left, to preventthe columns of the Marshal obtaining possession of the road leading toLigny. In this movement, the eighth brigade was supported by the thirdbattalion royals, second battalion 44th, and 42d regiment, and the 92d[Pg 396]regiment was ordered to line a bank on the right of the road leadingfrom Quatre-Bras to St Amand, on which the Field Marshal and his staffhad taken post. The Brunswick infantry were stationed partly in rearof the left of the Highlanders, and partly in the wood on the right ofthe village. The Hanoverian brigade was formed on the left, and ratherin rear of the 92d, and the Brunswick cavalry took post close to thehouses of Quatre-Bras.
The eighth brigade moved down the slope of the eminence in beautifulorder, and commenced the grand struggle in fine style. But the numbersof that brigade formed such a striking contrast to those of the enemy,that many of our oldest officers looked forward with uneasiness to theissue of the conflict. But the 16th of June was not the first day onwhich the gallant Kempt and his brave associates had met their enemiesunder similar circ*mstances. Nothing discouraged, therefore, by thenumerical superiority of their opponents, they rushed to the combatwith the spirit of lions, and, after a dreadful struggle, forced thefoe to retire. In a quarter of an hour the work of death was renewed onboth sides with increased fury. As before, the enemy were again on thepoint of yielding, when Ney dispatched fresh troops to their relief.On perceiving the Marshal deploy fresh battalions towards our left,the Duke of Wellington gave orders to the Royals, 42d, and 44th, totake[Pg 397] part in the battle. The French infantry, assisted by a powerfuland well-served artillery, and a numerous and highly equipped cavalry,displayed a considerable degree of personal bravery, fancying no doubtthat a few charges of the different arms united, would either forcetheir opponents to retire, or place them in their hands as prisonersof war. Unsupported by any artillery or cavalry, however, save a fewpieces of the former, and the mounted corps of the Duke of Brunswick,our companions braved every attempt to penetrate their squares with themost unshrinking firmness, and invariably drove back the enemy withgreat loss.
About four o'clock the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of his cavalry,passed the right of the 92d regiment, to charge a body of Frenchcuirassiers considerably in advance. Led by their undaunted Prince, theBrunswickers pushed forward in gallant style, and conducted themselvesadmirably, till, perceiving the Duke fall from his horse mortallywounded, the whole were seized with a panic, and retired towardsQuatre-Bras, hotly pursued by their opponents. This unfortunate affairgave the French a temporary advantage, and inspired them with freshcourage. Elated with their success, and seeing no troops in their frontto arrest their progress, the enemy advanced with all the audacity ofconquerors, conceiving, no doubt, that the battle was decided. The92d regiment, hitherto kept hid from the view of the enemy, were nowordered by the[Pg 398] Duke, to be prepared to give them a warm reception.The orders of their illustrious General, who was then along with them,were obeyed with the utmost alacrity. Still keeping themselves outof sight of the assailants, the Highlanders permitted almost all thefugitives to pass to the rear, and then starting to their feet, theypoured a most destructive flank fire upon the French cavalry, who wererapidly advancing along the highway, and laid many of them in thedust. The survivors, not expecting such a reception at a point wherethey imagined resistance had ceased, fled in the greatest confusion.One of their officers having advanced nearly to the houses beforehe discovered his danger, made an attempt to escape by the road onwhich the 92d regiment was posted. On turning the head of his horseto make a neck-or-nothing sort of a dash down the road, every oneimagined his object was to find a passage for his sword to the heartof our commander. First one mounted officer, and then another, periledtheir lives to save that of their General, but their opponent neatlyparried their cuts. All eyes were now rivetted on the Duke, confidentlyanticipating a fatal result. In a twinkling, the officer was withina few paces of the Field-Marshal, whose serenity on this, as on allother occasions throughout that day, was universally noticed, andloudly applauded. He passed, however, without even looking at the Duke,on which our eyes again glistened with joy. But[Pg 399] in order to preventthe hair-brained youth causing a similar hubbub amongst us, a few menof the 6th and 7th companies, 92d regiment, fired at him, killed hishorse, and wounded himself severely, a ball passing through each foot.He was instantly removed to the rear, and afterwards to Brussels;where, being quartered in the same house with an officer of the 92dregiment, he candidly acknowledged that his only object was to escape.
Disappointed in his attempt upon the village, Ney again directed anattack against our extreme left. For some time his operations were allof an offensive character, and consisted of a multiplicity of attacks,sometimes with cavalry, sometimes with infantry, and not unfrequentlywith both, assisted in their murderous work by a numerous artillery.Having neither cavalry nor artillery to back their personal exertions,the seven British infantry regiments found it necessary to throwthemselves into squares, to sustain with effect the dreadful chargesof their mounted opponents. In forming square, some of them were moreexpert than the rest; but with one exception, none of them sustainedany loss, but such as was occasioned by the fire of the enemy.Perceiving that the British had no intention of retiring, or deploying,so long as they were surrounded with so many opponents, the French atlength adopted the rather ticklish proceeding of galloping up to themuzzles of the British muskets, and endeavouring to provoke our[Pg 400] mento throw away their fire, by discharging their carbines and pistolsinto the centre of our squares, to which they were most anxious to finda passage. In this, however, they were most completely disappointed;for nothing could induce our companions to depart from a system, whichexperience had clearly demonstrated to them was the best they couldadopt, under the trying circ*mstances in which they were placed. Allthe attempts of the enemy, therefore, to induce our soldiers to partwith their ammunition proving fruitless, the French, irritated at theirobstinacy, attacked our squares sword in hand, but were always forcedto make a precipitate flight, leaving the ground around each square,covered with their killed and wounded.
About five o'clock another attempt was made to wrest Quatre-Brasout of our hands, but with no better success than the former. Soonafter this, the brigade of Guards, under Major-General Maitland, andthird division, commanded by Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Alten,arrived to our assistance. Never did troops receive a more seasonablereinforcement. The Guards were thrown into the wood of Bossu, on theright of the village, and the third division moved along the roadleading to Ligny, till they passed the Royals, &c. when they halted,and formed the left of our line. As each battalion hurried past us,it was loudly cheered by every man in the Highland corps. Yes, tearsof joy bade them welcome to share our perils and our[Pg 401] glory, and ourbest wishes followed but too many of them to their last and silentabode. Leaning against a bank when the 73d regiment approached us, andunconscious at the time that I had the pleasure of being known to anymember of that corps, I felt something like surprise when Lieutenant——, a genuine Irishman, jumped out of his place, and grasping myhand as firmly as a vice, said, "——, how are you, my old boy? thisduty is not quite so pleasant, I fear, as that in which you and I wereengaged the last time we met at Athlone, devouring poldowdies,and swallowing whisky punch." On admitting the fact, the warm-heartedIrishman flew like lightning after his battalion, promising to call onme and renew the conversation next morning. But alas! how little do weknow what is before us,—in an hour he was no more.
As the third division proceeded along the road to their destination,the enemy were not very sparing of their shot and shell. Theirtremendous salvos, however, we could but feebly return, having receivedbut a slender addition to our original numbers.
The enemy, conceiving that the troops composing the third division,were those who had baffled their cavalry to obtain possession ofQuatre-Bras, lost no time, after the rear of the division had clearedthe village, in making the necessary preparations[Pg 402] to renew his effortsto obtain the key of our position.
Under cover of a heavy cannonade, Ney pushed forward two columns ofinfantry; one by the highway leading from Charleroi to Quatre-Bras,and the other by a hollow, or kind of ravine, in front of the wood ofBossu, towards the same point. On the left of, and fronting the roadto Charleroi, two hundred yards in front of Quatre-Bras, there was ahouse of two floors, from the rear of which ran a thick hedge, a shortway across a field. On the right of the road, and immediately oppositeto the house, there was a garden, surrounded with a thick hedge. In theface fronting the road there was a small gate, from which a gravel walkled to a similar one on the opposite side. The house and hedge wereoccupied by the enemy's advanced guard, and their main body, twelve orfifteen hundred in number, had taken post about one hundred paces fromthe rear of the garden, when the Field-Marshal gave us orders to charge.
The order was no sooner given, than every man of the 92d regiment,about 600 in number, appeared in front of the bank, behind which theyhad reposed for four hours. Colonel Cameron, accompanied by GeneralBarnes, the Adjutant-General, advanced by the highway, at the headof the grenadiers and first company. The other companies, by anoblique movement to their right, directed their march upon the samepoints,—the[Pg 403] house, garden, and hedge;—the enemy pouring on us adeadly fire of musketry from the windows of the house, and from thehedge on the left of it, till we succeeded in driving them from both,which was not accomplished without a severe loss. Amongst the officerswho fell at this time, was the brave Cameron, who, on receiving hismortal wound, retired from the field, regretted by the whole regiment.
But, although we had forced the enemy to relinquish their hold ofthe house and hedge on the left of it, the principal part of ourduties remained to be performed. Although their advanced guard hadbeen driven back, the main body shewed no disposition to retire. Onthe contrary, they poured on us showers of musketry, sufficient toappal soldiers of more experience in those matters than one half ofthose who fought on the plains of Quatre-Bras. In fact it requiredno little exertion to keep some of the young soldiers in the ranks;for, perceiving the French so much more numerous than themselves, andthat the garden-hedge, though very thick, afforded them no protection;the danger appeared to some of them so very great, that but for theirveteran companions, and the attention of the officers to their duties,they might have been induced to retire.
But from this disagreeable situation we endeavoured to extricateourselves in the following manner. The only obstacle between us andthe enemy[Pg 404] being the garden, it was proposed to move a portion of thebattalion round and between it and the wood of Bossu, another divisionround the left, or lower side of the garden, and a third to open apassage for itself through the garden, by entering at the front gate.Being of this party, we accomplished our task of forcing the gates withsome little difficulty, for the fire of the enemy was truly dreadful;and we could not take any steps to render it less effective, till thewhole battalion could be brought to bear upon the enemy. At length,however, all the three columns arrived at their appointed stations.Seeing our friends on the right and left ready, we moved out at therear gate, and quickly formed in front of the hedge. On this formationbeing accomplished, the signal of readiness was given, when the wholejoined in three hearty cheers, and then, with the irresistible bayonetin their hands, advanced to the work of death.
Who is able to describe the feelings of the combatants at thismomentous crisis? Who can paint the inward workings of every mind, whenthe Highlanders advanced, either to drive the enemy from the field,or leave their mangled bodies on the plains of Quatre-Bras?—languageis inadequate to do it. Suffice it, therefore, to say, that for a fewseconds the French appeared quite resolved to await our assault; but onperceiving that we really intended to close with them, they wheeled tothe[Pg 405] right-about, and attempted to escape by a hollow in front of thewood, along which their left column had previously advanced. As soon asthey turned their backs, we poured in upon them a volley of musketry,which did great execution; and thereafter, each man did every thing inhis power to prevent them effecting their escape, and so well did ourlads do their duty, that at every step we found a dead or a woundedFrenchman. Many of the latter affected to treat the whole business verylightly; whilst others, even in the very agonies of death, ceased notto echo the cry of their more fortunate brethren, of Vive l'Empereur.Never was the fire of a body of men given with finer effect than thatof the 92d, during the pursuit of the enemy, which continued forfully half a mile, and until the advance of a corps of French cavalryrendered it prudent to retire into the wood of Bossu. In fact, beforewe parted, their column, at first so formidable in numbers, was reducedto a skeleton.
This was the last serious attempt made by Ney to obtain possession ofQuatre-Bras, but he continued to dispute the wood, and various portionsof the ground on the left, till after nine o'clock, when every prospectof victory having vanished, he withdrew his troops, and left us inpossession of the ground which they occupied at the commencement of theengagement.
About ten o'clock, the piper of the 92d took post[Pg 406] at the garden infront of the village, where, after tuning his chanter, and settinghis drone in order, he attempted to collect the scattered members ofhis regiment. Long and loud blew Cameron; but although the hills andthe valleys echoed the hoarse murmurs of his favourite instrument,his ultimate efforts could not produce above a half of those whom hismusic had cheered on their march to the field of battle. Alas! many ofthem had taken leave of this bustling world. Many of them were thenlying weltering in their blood in the fields or in the woods, and nota few of them in the farm-yard of Quatre-Bras. Of thirty-six officerswho went into action, eleven only escaped unhurt, six being killed ormortally wounded, two slightly wounded, and seventeen severely. Soonafter this, the 92d regiment retired behind the houses of Quatre-Brasto take a little repose after the fatigues of this memorable day. Theother corps remained all night nearly on the same ground they held atthe close of the conflict. The Field Marshal retired to Genappe.
Immediately after the close of the battle, our light cavalry beganto arrive in the vicinity of Quatre-Bras; and at an early hour nextmorning, the whole of the army had arrived at points whence they couldbe readily moved to wherever their services might be required.
About three o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th, Napoleon attackedthe Prussian army in its position[Pg 407] at Ligny, with the right wing andcentre of his army, together with all his Imperial Guards; and after adesperate engagement of six hours, in which neither party asked or gavequarter, Bonaparte, by one of those tremendous charges of his cavalry,which on so many former occasions had commanded success, again securedthe victory. The loss of each army was tremendous. But severe as theloss of the Prussian army was at Ligny, how much more would that losshave been increased, had not Divine Providence miraculously deliveredtheir great Leader from the hands of his enemies? On returning froman unsuccessful charge of the Prussian cavalry, the horse on whichBlucher was mounted was wounded by a musket ball. Instead, however,of arresting the speed of the animal, the wound rather increased it,till it dropped down dead. Stunned with the fall, the veteran Generalcould not remove himself from under the horse. With the animal abovehim, and only one Prussian officer near to render him assistance,Prince Blucher saw the enemy approach, and even pass him. It would beworth a kingdom to know what passed in the breast of the illustrioushero on this trying occasion. The brave Prussian army defeated andannihilated—France again sole arbitress of the Continent—and himselfexhibited to the gaze of a Parisian populace, as the prisoner of thatindividual, who, above all men on earth, he most detested, must havepassed before his eyes, as[Pg 408] some of the consequences likely to followin the train of his misfortunes. Fortunately, however, for himself—forhis country—and for Europe—the Prince was soon relieved from thisdistressing, and to him, humiliating situation. For, on missing theirleader, the Prussian cavalry instantly turned round, and like atorrent, rushed down upon their pursuers with such fury, that a fewminutes served, not only to drive back the enemy upon their infantry,but to rescue the venerable warrior, and place him once more at thehead of his valiant followers.
[Pg 409]
CHAPTER XXX.
On the morning of the 17th, the interior of the farm-yard ofQuatre-Bras presented to the eye a scene of unparalleled horror. Thewhole of the ground within was literally dyed with blood, and theinside of the walls was also very much stained with it. Some idea maybe formed of its appearance, when I state on the authority of a surgeonwho dressed a great many of the wounded, that at one period of thebattle, there were nearly a thousand wounded soldiers belonging tothe 3d and 5th divisions in that narrow space. The cries of the poorfellows were most heart-rending, and the appearance of the mangled andmutilated corpses which strewed the square in every direction, was soghastly and appaling, that he must have possessed a heart of adamant,who could have entered that place of death and lamentation, withoutbeing sensibly affected. While I live, I shall ever retain a vividrecollection of the farm-yard of Quatre-Bras, on the evening of the16th, and morning of the 17th of June 1815.
[Pg 410]
It is quite wonderful how very close a cannon-ball or a shell willsometimes pass the head of a person, without doing them any permanentinjury. In the action of the 16th, at Quatre-Bras, a man named Milne,standing close to me, had his bonnet knocked off his head by a cannonshot, and carried several yards across the road. On the collisionbetween the ball and the bonnet taking place, Milne turned quicklyround to me, and with a wildness in his countenance, said, "Do you seethat, Sir?" During the remainder of that day, and the two following, heexhibited a weakness of intellect, not peculiar to him, but with thatexception, he sustained no other injury.
On the left side of the road leading from Quatre-Bras to Ligny, a bankrose eight or ten feet above the crown of the highway, which triflingcirc*mstance was occasionally the means of placing a few of our men inno little jeopardy. For on hitting the bank, the shells frequently camedancing across the road to their own music, till they arrived in theditch among the Highlanders. One of those dangerous characters havingrather impudently intruded himself into our society, a few paces fromwhere I was standing, some of my neighbours attempted to fly, but asthe greater proportion preferred an extended position in the ditch, amost ludicrous scramble took place, for the honour of being undermost.In a few seconds, however, the shell exploded, without doing us any[Pg 411]more mischief, than wounding slightly two of our men.
Almost one of the last shells fired by the enemy that evening, lightedwithin half-a-yard of me, and immediately exploded. But on perceivingit fall, I threw myself flat on the ground, and thereby escaped withouta scratch.
Immediately after being wounded, Colonel Cameron, of the 92d regiment,was removed from Quatre-Bras to Genappe, where, on the wound beingexamined, it was discovered to be mortal. On the following morning hewas placed in a waggon, with the view of being conveyed to Brussels.On the way, he complained greatly of the jolting of the carriage, andrepeatedly inquired if the French had been defeated. On getting ananswer in the affirmative, he said, "Then I die happy!" On receivingan answer to one of his questions, a little before his speech failedhim, he added, "I hope my country will think I have done enough,—Ihope she will think that I have served her faithfully." When close tothe village of Waterloo, the gallant Colonel laid back hishead on his servant's arm, and expired. To shew the estimation in whichthe services of this truly brave officer were held by his Sovereign,Mr Ewen Cameron, of Fassifern, the Colonel's father, was raised tothe rank of a Baronet of the United Kingdom. And on his native hillsa handsome monument was erected, on[Pg 412] which there is the followinginscription, written by Sir Walter Scott.
Sacred to the Memory
OF
COLONEL JOHN CAMERON,
Eldest Son of Sir Ewen Cameron of Fassifern, Baronet;
Whose Mortal Remains,
Transported from the Field of Glory, where he died,
Rest here with those of his Forefathers.
During Twenty years of active Military Service,
With a spirit which knew no fear, and shunned no danger;
He accompanied or led,
In Marches, in Sieges, in Battles,
The gallant 92nd Regiment of Scottish Highlanders,
Always to Honour, almost always to Victory;
And at length,
In the Forty-second year of his age,
Upon the memorable 16th day of June, A.D. 1815,
Was slain in the command of that corps,
While actively contributing to achieve the decisive
Victory of
WATERLOO,
Which gave peace to Europe,
Thus closing his Military career
With the long and eventful struggle in which,
His services had been so often distinguished,—
He died lamented
By that unrivalled General,
To whose long train of Success and Victory
He had so often contributed.
By his Country,
[Pg 413]From which he had repeatedly received marks
Of the highest consideration;
And
By His Sovereign,
Who graced his surviving family
With those marks of honour,
Him whose merit
They were designed to commemorate.
Reader,
Call not his fate untimely,
Who thus honoured and lamented,
Closed a Life of Fame, by a Death of Glory.
Seated behind the houses of Quatre-Bras on the morning of the 17th, Ireceived a message from a wounded soldier, named Robinson, intimatingthat he was in possession of a book which he was sure I would liketo read. I lost no time in visiting him, and on opening the volume,was not a little surprised on discovering it to be the history ofScotland's champion, Sir William Wallace, once the property of a Frenchsoldier, whose name was inscribed on one of the blank leaves, and whohad no doubt fallen in the conflict in the after-part of the 16th. Atthat time the histories of Wallace and Bruce were much read by theFrench soldiers; and I believe it is a well authenticated fact, thatBonaparte seldom went on a campaign without a copy of Ossian's Poems inhis possession.
Envy, we are told, is the blackest passion in the human breast, and themost prevailing infirmity to which we are subject. History affords usthe most decisive proof we could desire, that it has often[Pg 414] tarnishedthe character of men, who otherwise had a well-earned title to fame andrenown. What, for example, has tarnished the character of Alexander theGreat, so much as this unamiable passion, which reigned in his breastwith sovereign authority during the whole of his extraordinary career?Since that period, how many thousands of Alexanders has this world ofours contained? How many are there even at this moment amongst us, who,like the great conqueror, ambitious of nothing so much as to rise tothe first rank in the scale of human society, envy every individual whoexcel them in any of those arts or sciences which rivet the attention,and command the admiration of the world? That the Duke of Wellingtonhas been deeply indebted to the members of this rather amiable society,for the many slanderous reports circulated during the last thirtyyears, in regard to his military conduct in India, &c. there cannot bethe smallest doubt. Like many other dupes, I gave ear to the gossip ofthe day, and for some time credit to it. For although courage is a mostindispensable qualification in every general at the head of an army,yet history is not without examples of generals deficient in valour,not only performing their duties satisfactorily, but even raisingtheir own and their country's glory by splendid victories. But all thedoubts I had previously entertained on the subject were completelydissipated at Quatre-Bras. For there the Field-Marshal gave[Pg 415] proofs tothe world, which no individual, however venomous his tongue may be, cancontrovert, that he possesses moral courage in as eminent a degree asany general that ever entered a field of strife. How would his Grace'sslanderers have looked, if stationed within a few yards of him, as Iwas for four hours on the 16th, and there beheld him, amidst showersof every description of shot, directing the movements of his columnswith that firmness and coolness, so characteristic of the brave andconsummate warrior? The very smile which sat on his countenance duringthe whole of the action, would have struck them dumb, and coveredthem with such a load of shame and disgrace, that they would haveembraced the first opportunity afforded them, of hiding their convictedcountenances from the stern glance of the object of their envy.
Some people seem to think, that a general at the head of an army isbound to expose himself on all occasions in the same manner as any ofthe junior officers. A more erroneous opinion, however, of the dutiesof a general, could not well be conceived; for it is the bounden dutyof a general-in-chief, never, but in cases of the very last importance,to expose to unnecessary peril, a life upon which so many othersdepend. As a general-in-chief owes obedience to none but his sovereign,it belongs to him exclusively to judge how far he ought to exposehimself, and those under him, in order to accomplish the object of hiscommission; and[Pg 416] in proportion as his life is more necessary for thatobject than the lives of his soldiers, in the same proportion shouldhe be more sparing of it than of the lives of his men. A general infact ought never to expose his life without a necessary cause, or theprospect of reaping such important advantages, that the risk he runsmay be trifling in comparison of the successes which he hopes to obtainby it.
About five o'clock in the morning of the 17th, the Duke of Wellingtonarrived at Quatre-Bras from Genappe, and the morning being rather cold,his Grace, on alighting, said, "Ninety-second, will you favour mewith a little fire?" The request had no sooner escaped his lips, thana hundred men flew in as many different directions, in search of thenecessary materials. On returning, the men made a fire opposite to thedoor of a small hut, constructed of the boughs of some trees, which thepoor fellows attempted to render a residence suitable for the receptionof their General. For their attention, the Duke expressed himselfextremely grateful. In this splendid airy residence, the Field-Marshalreceived the Prince of Orange, Lord Hill, and many other officers ofdistinction; in this rural cottage he received the first tidings ofBlucher's misfortunes,—and here it was that the order of retreat tothe position of Waterloo was arranged.
On the arrival of Lord Hill to pay his respects to the Duke ofWellington, the whole regiment,[Pg 417] officers and men, embraced theopportunity of testifying their regard for the character of that braveand estimable nobleman. On quitting the hut, he was greeted with loudand long continued plaudits. Turning round, his Lordship approachedus hat in hand, much affected, the men continuing to salute him withcheers which proceeded from the heart. The Duke, conceiving that ourcheers proceeded from a very different cause, came hurriedly out of hiswooden house, but on perceiving the true one, his Grace laughed, andappeared quite delighted with the mark of respect which "her nainsel'had paid to his friend and favourite General."
Previous to the receipt of Blucher's dispatches, we were all in highspirits, anticipating a splendid victory over the French Marshal beforenight, never doubting but Blucher would find employment for Bonaparte,while we amused ourselves with Ney. But from the moment that Blucher'sretreat was known, our spirits became depressed; a gloom stole overthe countenances of the whole; every individual was more or lessaffected; and I am inclined to think that the breast of none was moreagitated than that of our illustrious chief. On receiving the unwelcomeintelligence, the Duke shut himself up in the hut for some time, thencame out, and walked alone in front of it for nearly an hour in deepmeditation. Now and then he was interrupted by a courier bearing adispatch, who, on delivering it, instantly retired to some distance,there[Pg 418] to wait his General's orders. The Field-Marshal walked at therate of three and a-half to four miles in the hour. His left hand wasthrown carelessly behind his back, and in his right he held a smallswitch, one end of which he frequently put to his mouth, apparentlyunconscious that he was doing so. His dress was white pantaloons,half-boots, a military vest, white neckcloth, blue surtout, andco*cked-hat.
Soon after this the most exaggerated statements were circulatedregarding the defeat of the Prussian army. At one time the loss wasrated at 20,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners; at another, their lossin prisoners alone, exceeded that number. Every thing, in short, worethe most gloomy appearance imaginable. In the full belief, therefore,that our allies had been totally routed, we commenced our retreat atten o'clock, A.M. on the 17th of June, from the scene of ourfirst triumph, towards the glorious plains of Waterloo.
To cover his real design, the Duke ordered the 3rd and 5th divisions toremain in front of Quatre-Bras, till the artillery, the foreign troops,and the other divisions should be considerably advanced on theirjourney. This manœuvre completely succeeded, for the retreat was neverobserved by the crafty Napoleon, until his equally sagacious antagonistwas out of the reach of pursuit.
On perceiving us making off, the enemy pushed forward large masses ofcavalry to harass our rear-guard,[Pg 419] composed of the British light andheavy dragoons. Many brilliant charges were made on the occasion, inevery one of which, where the latter were engaged, the French wereinvariably beat back. The light cavalry were not quite so successful.
While ascending the heights in rear of Genappe, the body of the gallantDuke of Brunswick passed us stretched on a waggon, with the fatalwound in his breast, exposed to public view. To that deadly wound,the soldiers guarding the precious relic, often pointed, and swore toavenge ten-fold, the death of their lamented Prince.
On the height above Genappe, the 5th division halted abouthalf-an-hour. During which time, a few men were tried for wantonlyfiring away their ammunition. This is a common practice among foreigntroops, and on occasions similar to this, it is but too much so amongour own. It cannot, however, be too much reprobated, for besides beingdetrimental to the service, it endangers the life of many a bravesoldier.
On the morning of the 17th, the weather was hazy, but before ten it hadbegun to clear up, and at noon the day was beautiful. About one, theair was extremely sultry, half-an-hour later, the clouds began to lour,and about two, thunder was faintly heard. In a few minutes, the horizonwas darkened—the lightning flashed—the thunder rolled in terrificpeals—and rain and hail poured upon us in[Pg 420] prodigious quantities. Infine, one would have imagined that the elements had conspired with men,to render the events passing on earth the most important and dreadfulrecorded in history. In the midst of this tempest, we proceeded on ourway, wading through mud and water to the knees. On our arrival on theposition of Waterloo, we were ordered to bivouac in a newly-ploughedfield, then little better than a clay puddle. By this time we werethoroughly drenched, our baggage was not to be found, and to add toother miseries, we could not get a drop of water to quench our thirst.To procure a supply, a fatigue party was ordered to Waterloo. Beingfirst for that duty, I proceeded as ordered, and found draw-wellsin abundance, but the ropes had all been removed, whetherintentionally or not, I cannot say, but appearances were certainlyagainst the Belgians. As a substitute, I buckled a few canteen strapstogether, but even these, aided by some fathoms of rope, did not carrya can to the bottom of any of the wells. After numerous fruitlessattempts to get our canteens filled, we returned to our bivouac, wheremisery in its most hideous form stared us in the face. Just let any manfancy himself seated on a few small twigs, or a little straw in a newlyploughed field, well soaked with six hours heavy rain; his feet six oreight inches deep in mud, cold, wet, and hungry, without fire, withoutmeat,—without drink, and a thin blanket his only shelter from themid-night hurricane,[Pg 421] and he will have a faint idea of what we sufferedon the night of the 17th, and morning of the memorable 18th of June.
A sound sleep being a luxury which the men could not expect to enjoy,they seated themselves in pairs, and with their blankets around them,and their backs to the storm, amused each other as they best could tillmorning.
[Pg 422]
CHAPTER XXXI.
The storm continued to rage with very nearly the same violence tilleight o'clock, A.M. About nine the clouds began to disperse,and before ten the day cleared up.
About eight, the Commissary presented us with a tolerable allowance ofbeef, but the value of it might have been saved to the country, for fewdeigned to look at it. This present was soon followed by another ofa more acceptable kind, however,—brandy, which met with a much morekindly welcome.
The enemy shewing no disposition to resume the offensive, we werewithdrawn from our advanced position in the puddle, to a dry oneconsiderably in rear of it. Here we lighted fires, pulled off ourjackets, shoes, &c. and endeavoured to make ourselves as comfortableas existing circ*mstances would permit. In hopes of procuring a littlerepose, we had begun to construct huts, in one of which three of uswere fast asleep, when the sound[Pg 423] of the bugles called us to preparefor a renewal of the scenes of the 16th.
Hark, the din of distant war,
How noble is the clangour,
Pale death ascends his ebon car,
Clad in terrific anger.
At this interesting period of the day, the different corps of theallied army occupied the following positions:—
The road from Brussels to Charleroi, by Quatre-Bras, first traversesthe forest of Soignies, then runs through the village of Waterloo, afew hundred yards in front of it. About a mile farther, the road passesthe farm-house of Mount St John, where the highway branches into tworoads, the right leading to Nivelles, the other to Charleroi. At thedistance of a mile from Mount St John, and on the brow of an eminence,stands the farm-house of La-Belle-Alliance. The centre of the alliedarmy occupied the farm of Mount St John; the right wing extended alongthe eminence as far as Braine-la-Leude, and the left rested on the farmof Ter-la-Haye. In front of the British position, the ground slopedgently towards the valley, from which, to the summit of the ridge onwhich the French army was posted, it rose in the same gradual and easymanner. The direct distance between the two positions varied from athousand to fifteen hundred paces, and the extreme length of the fieldof battle was about two miles.
[Pg 424]
The first British division occupied that part of the position calledthe right centre, in front of which stood the chateau of Hougomont.The light companies of the Guards, some Belgic, and a few Brunswicktroops, were thrown into the orchard and woods surrounding the house.The chateau and garden were occupied by the Coldstream Guards, andthe remaining portions of the division were posted in rear of theircompanions, to support them in case of necessity.
The third division formed the left centre, from which some Hanoveriansand light troops from the King's German Legion, were detached to thefarm-house of La Haye Sainte, situated near the bottom of the ridge,on the left of the road to Charleroi. The second division took post onthe right of the first, and the fourth division on the right of thesecond. The latter, forming the right of the army, had its advancedposts at Braine-la-Leude. The fifth division was posted on the left ofthe third, and crowned a height, which rose gradually from the highwayfor nearly half-a-mile, in the direction of Ter-la-Haye. Along thebrow of the ridge run a hedge from the centre to the extreme left,behind which our artillery were stationed, completely out of theenemy's view. In front of the hedge stood, ready for action, a brigadeof Belgian infantry, each flank protected by a brigade of artillery,their rear supported by our brigade, a brigade of Hanoverian infantry,and Sir[Pg 425] William Ponsonby's brigade of heavy cavalry. The Belgianinfantry, commanded by the Prince Weimar, formed the extreme left, andwere supported by the fourth brigade of British cavalry. The greaterproportion of the cavalry were posted in rear of the centre, and rightand left centre infantry columns, and the foreign troops were chequeredwith the British.
About eleven o'clock, Napoleon, with a numerous staff, appeared on theheights immediately opposite to our division. The imperial cortege wasno sooner observed by our artillery, than they greeted it with a royalsalute. At first the French Chief seemed to relish the compliment paidhim, but conceiving, no doubt, that we were rather troublesome with ourmanners, he soon turned the head of his horse and rode off.
A little after this, we were honoured with a visit from the late Dukeof Richmond, who had travelled from Brussels that morning to pay hispersonal respects to the Duke of Wellington. After congratulating theofficers present on their miraculous deliverance on the 16th, the Dukeinformed us that he had just seen our General-in-chief, who calculatedon a glorious victory before evening, Prince Blucher and thirty-fivethousand Prussians being on their march to our assistance. The effectswhich this communication produced on the minds of the soldiers wastruly astonishing. Joy beamed on their countenances, and victory duringthe remainder[Pg 426] of the day was never from their view. But it may befairly doubted whether the speedy prospect of being succoured by thePrussians, or the two following verses, produced the most powerfuleffect on the hearts of the Highlanders.
Now's the day, and now's the hour,
See the front of battle lour,
See approach Napoleon's power,
Chains and slavery.
Lay the proud Usurper low,—
Tyrant's fall in every foe,
Liberty's in every blow,
Let us do or die!
These lines, chaunted by one of their own number, who altered themto suit the occasion, were received as they ought to be by everyinhabitant of these realms, when threatened with the vengeance of aforeign despot.
At half-past eleven Jerome Bonaparte descended the heights on the leftof La Belle Alliance, at the head of his division, and attacked ourlight troops in the front of Hougomont. His march was considerablyretarded by our artillery, almost the first shot from which killed andwounded several of his men. Having at length arrived in the vicinity ofHougomont, the French attacked the Guards with great spirit, but forsome time gained very little ground. Their assaults, which were madewith great impetuosity, were met and repelled by the garrison with themost determined bravery. The foreign troops, originally associated withthe[Pg 427] British in the defence of this post, having retired, the wholeduty devolved upon the Guards, who throughout the day showed that thetrust could not have been reposed in better hands. Attack succeededattack,—round shot, shell, grape shot and musketry were poured intothe place in the greatest profusion, without producing any unfavourableimpression on the garrison. Every avenue to the old mansion wascontested with an obstinacy seldom equalled. Every tree was contendedfor as if the prize had been a kingdom. No neutral walls or hedges werepermitted; the one party or the other behoved to be absolute possessor.The gates of the Chateau and court-yard were assailed by the enemy witha bravery bordering on frenzy, but our troops having loop-holed thewalls, fired thence on their fierce antagonists with such fatal effect,that not only were they driven back, but the ground around covered withtheir dead. For an hour and a-half this tragedy was acted at Hougomont.Enraged, at length, at the obstinate defence of the gallant Byng andhis handful of guards, Napoleon turned his attention to the left wingand centre, with the view of wreaking his vengeance on us for hisdefeat at the Chateau.
About one o'clock he opened a most tremendous fire upon our division,from a numerous artillery planted along the ridge on which hisinfantry were posted. Under cover of this cannonade, he pushed forwardthree columns of infantry, each from three[Pg 428] to four thousand strong,towards the heights we occupied. With loud shouts of Vive l'Empereur,the left column attacked the farm-house of La-Haye-Sainte, whilethe right column, supported by the third, moved against the Belgiantroops, immediately in front of our brigade. The Belgians assailedwith terrible fury, returned the fire of the enemy for some time withgreat spirit. But on the approach of the French, they shifted theirground, and retired behind the hedge, which, although it affordedthem no shelter from the enemy's fire, yet concealed them from theirview. Here, on seeing themselves well supported, they shewed a littlemore courage, and although exposed to a heavy fire, they maintainedtheir ground with considerable firmness, until the enemy having gainedpossession of La-Haye-Sainte, by putting every one of the garrison tothe sword, increased the numbers of the assailants.
Under cover of his artillery, Bonaparte caused the right and leftcolumns formerly mentioned, supported by the third column, to moveforward and attack the heights on which our division was posted. Withdrums beating, colours flying, and eagles soaring above their hugehead-dresses, the enemy advanced in solid column to the attack. Theirprogress was considerably retarded by the fire of our artillery, andvollies of musketry from the Belgian infantry, till the enemy havingalmost gained the summit of the ridge, our allies partially retired[Pg 429]from the hedge. At the entreaty of their officers, the greater part ofthem again returned to their posts, but it was merely to satisfy theircuriosity, for they almost immediately again retired without firing ashot. The officers exerted themselves to the utmost to keep the men attheir duty, but their efforts were fruitless, and at length the wholecorps took fairly to their heels.
The post thus abandoned by Les-Brave-Belges, was instantly re-occupiedby the third battalion Royals, and second battalion 44th regiment.Those two weak battalions poured on the assailants a heavy fire ofmusketry, but the latter continued to advance with unflinching courage,till they succeeded in compelling our friends also to retire from the hedge.
Every one was now convinced that our affairs had approached animportant crisis, and that an attempt to arrest the torrent, mustinstantly be made, or the heights, and with them the victory, yieldedto the enemy. The Belgians had left us; the Royals and 44th had alsoretired to our rear, and the 42nd regiment being posted on an importantspot considerably to our left, from which they could not move, thehazardous attempt devolved upon the 92nd regiment, then about twohundred and thirty strong.
On arriving at the hedge, the enemy formed in close column, opposedto us a front not larger than our own, but then they had ten similarfronts to[Pg 430] support the one in view. In fact, their numbers werethree thousand, ours two hundred and thirty. Perceivingthe urgent state of affairs, and the absolute necessity that existedof adopting some decisive measures, Sir Denis Pack, said, with muchearnestness,—"Ninety-second, you must charge! ALL thetroops in your front have given way!" To this not very encouragingaddress, the regiment responded with cheers, and then advanced tomeasure bayonets with their enemies. For some time the latter appearedresolved to give us a meeting, but on arriving within thirty pacesof them, the whole column completely panic struck, wheeled to theright-about, and in the utmost confusion, attempted to escape. But itwas now too late; for on perceiving the disorderly manner in which theFrench infantry were retiring, Sir William Ponsonby rushed forwardwith the 1st, 2nd, (Scots Greys) and 6th regiments of heavy dragoons,cut his way through them as far as the valley—killed and wounded animmense number—captured two eagles, and took 2000 prisoners. The ScotsGreys being the centre regiment, advanced directly upon the Frenchcolumn, and charged past our flanks. On approaching us, the Old Greyscried, as with one voice, "Hurrah, Ninety-second, Scotland for ever!"The effect produced by these heart-stirring words was astonishing.Anxious to accompany their gallant countrymen into the middle of thefight, many of the 92nd laid hold of the bridles and stirrups[Pg 431] ofthe Greys, in order to be "in at the death," but "the more haste theless speed," was here fully verified; for instead of advancing at anaccelerated pace, the poor fellows were thrown down, and some of themseverely injured. The whole scene was truly grand, but affecting; foraround, and on every side of us, the dead, the dying, and the wounded,covered the ground. This charge was made about three o'clock. I neversaw the soldiers of the 92d regiment so extremely savage as they wereon this occasion. They repeatedly called to the cavalry to give theenemy no quarter. This feeling was produced principally by a report,industriously circulated on the previous day, that the enemy had putto death, in cold blood, all the British and Prussian prisoners whohad had the misfortune to fall into their hands. Towards the close ofthe engagement, however, when the French were more to be pitied thanfeared, they assumed a very different air, and treated the prisonerswith the kindness characteristic of the British soldier.
The result of this attack must have deranged the plans of Napoleondreadfully, for an almost total suspension of hostilities on his parttook place, from a quarter past three, till about twenty minutes fromfour. During this time, our rocket brigade attempted to break theFrench column of support, while the Scots Greys hovered on its flanks,to take advantage of any opening that might occur.[Pg 432] But their effortswere fruitless, the enemy remained firm as rocks.
Heavy as the cannonade was in the early part of the action, it wastrifling in comparison to what followed. The cannon-balls weredispatched from the enemy's lines in such numbers, that it was nouncommon thing to see one rolling on the ground towards us, and two orthree at the same time flying over our heads, or carrying off some ofthe men in the ranks.
Conceiving, no doubt, that one other effort would place Hougomont intheir hands, the enemy, after pouring a terrible shower of shells intoit, attempted to carry the court-yard at the point of the bayonet; butin this, as in all their former and subsequent attempts, they weresignally beaten.
By four o'clock, the battle had become general. Our centre wasfuriously attacked by a great body of French cavalry, principallycuirassiers, supported by artillery, and a large force of veteraninfantry. The French dragoons were extremely bold, galloping roundthe squares of British infantry, brandishing their swords, and evenchallenging some of the British officers to single combat,—conductwhich appeared to many of us more nearly allied to frenzy than bravery.However, they succeeded in penetrating to the crest of the eminence,but being there met by the third division, and right of the fifth, theywere instantly sent back reeling on their reserves.
[Pg 433]
The field of battle now assumed a horrid aspect, many parts of itbeing so thickly strewed with the mangled corpses of the enemy, thatit was scarcely possible to walk without treading on them. The woundedwere in a most pitiable condition, particularly those, who, unable toremove themselves, were kept in constant terror, either of being shot,or trod to death. But all their lamentations, their prayers, and theircries for assistance, were drowned amidst the clash of arms, and thethunder of five hundred pieces of cannon, which spread death in everydirection, and made the ground under our feet actually tremble.
Prince Blucher having agreed to support the Duke of Wellington with hiswhole army, put three corps of it in motion from Wavre at four o'clockin the morning of the 18th; two of them by the pass of St Lambert,and the third by Ohain. Knowing that the Prussians were on the marchto join us, many a prayer for their speedy appearance was repeated,before their cannon began to deal death and destruction to the enemy.About four, two Prussian officers passed in front of us at full gallop,eagerly inquiring for the Duke of Wellington. On delivering theirmessage, they returned by the same route, cheered, and cheering all theway. Soon after this, we perceived the French and Prussians engaged.The latter were few in number at first, but as each Prussian battalionarrived it took part in the battle, so that by six o'clock, amplework was carved out[Pg 434] for Bonaparte in that direction. Finding himselfattacked by the Prussians in a much more serious manner than he hadanticipated, Bonaparte caused his right to be reinforced. Between thisportion of the French army, and the Prussians under General Bulow, adreadful conflict took place, and continued till seven o'clock, bywhich time, all the Prussians moving by the pass of St Lambert, hadarrived at the scene of active operations, and the head of GeneralZiethen's column, accompanied by Blucher, made its appearance aboutthe same time near Ter-La-Haye. To prevent the junction of the twoarmies, Napoleon threw several considerable bodies of troops towardsthe extreme left of the allied army. These columns were attacked withgreat spirit by Blucher, who, on leaving Ohain, marched directlyupon Papelotte, leaving Ter-la-Haye on his right. By this movement,the junction of the two armies was effected, and Bonaparte's objectcompletely defeated.
Time being now of great moment to Napoleon, he, about six o'clock,pushed forward a strong body of cavalry and infantry, with orders toestablish themselves at Mount St John. The column advanced under coverof a cannonade of the severest kind. For a few minutes, the shot andshell flew over, and amongst the troops in the centre, in prodigiousnumbers. Many of the cannon-shot, after passing our friends, skippedalong the causeway, as far as the village of Waterloo, and by coming[Pg 435]in contact with some of the poor mutilated soldiers, terminated theirown career, and that of the wretched sufferers. The French troopshaving reached the crest of the eminence, a report was instantlyspread, that they had forced the centre of the British line, and wereon the point of entering Waterloo. The village being literally filledwith wounded at the time, the medical staff exerted themselves toget them sent to a place of safety, but their numbers far exceededthe means of transport, placed at the disposal of the chief medicalofficer. Every where there were to be seen soldiers without legs,without arms, and otherwise horribly disfigured, begging to be placedon a waggon, or faintly articulating, water, water!—Many who couldnot be accommodated with seats in the waggons, fled into the forest ofSoignies, where they died, or were afterwards found, in a state toohorrible to describe. The wounded in the waggons, though out of theenemy's reach, suffered severely. The highway was so completely blockedup with baggage, stores of various kinds, and some cannon planted inbattery, for the defence of the road, in case of a reverse, that thewaggons crowded with wounded, could not proceed. Every minute, somenew and aggravated version of the first report, was circulated by theforeign runaways. The Belgian drivers either fled from their waggons,or got intoxicated, and became unable to perform their duty; and, tocrown the whole, the foreign cavalry[Pg 436] in their flight, threatened tosabre every one who would not, or rather could not, let them pass. Thewhole scene, therefore, was one of such horror, confusion, and apparentdanger, that in imitation of their brethren at Waterloo, those whocould crawl, quitted their seats, and sought for safety in the wood ofSoignies, where many of them also perished.
Such were some of the early fruits of the enemy's operationsagainst Mount St John, the latter may be enumerated in few words.With admirable spirit, the French ascended from the valley to thecrest of our position, and for sometime seemed quite determined toretain possession of their prize. But their opponents being as fullydetermined that they should not, a desperate conflict ensued, whichended in the enemy being driven down the slope of the eminence withgreat slaughter. Never did French troops display more bravery, andnever were they more signally defeated. They appeared to us at times tothrow aside the character of man, and allow their courage to border onthe ferocity of the tiger. It was a desperate game to be sure, whichtheir leader was playing; and it was no doubt his best policy to employmen equally desperate as himself.
From the termination of this attack, till seven o'clock, the battleraged with great fury, from Hougomont, to the heights on which the leftof the Prussian army rested. About the latter hour, Napoleon,[Pg 437] in orderto bring the conflict to a close, brought forward his guards, in numberabout 15,000. Placing himself at their head, he accompanied them to thebottom of the valley, but no farther; there he remained to witness theresult of this awful and last struggle for victory.
Having soon after the termination of the last detailed attack, receiveda wound, which compelled me to quit my corps, and thereby deprived meof the honour of accompanying my friends in the last offensive movementagainst the enemy, I am unable to detail, from personal observation,what occurred in the latter part of the day. But the followingparticulars, extracted from the note-book of an old and highly valuedfriend, who escaped untouched, will more than supply the deficiency.
Under cover of a heavy cannonade, the Imperial Guards, who had swornto conquer or die, ascended the heights, the thread-bare cry of ViveL'Empereur! issuing from every mouth. To the issue of this combat, manylooked forward with emotion. The causes of their despondency were, thesuperiority of the enemy, and the very few British troops in the field.But although not a few despaired of victory, I am confident that not aman thought of retreating, so long as one companion remained to standby him.
The advance of the Imperial Guards was covered by a cloud of sharpshooters, whose fire caused us considerable loss. As the enemyapproached the[Pg 438] crest of the height, the sharp-shooters were recalledto their battalions, and the fire of their artillery slackened. In afew seconds thereafter, the belligerents found themselves opposed toeach other, at the distance of twenty paces, and instantly proceeded todecide the important contest.
From that time, till half-past seven, the battle raged with violence atevery point, and the victory was doubtful. Soon after this, however,some little hesitation was observed in the enemy's movements; and thegallant Blucher advanced, spreading death and dismay over the field onthe left of the British. The Duke taking advantage of the favourableopportunity now offered, ordered the whole allied army to advance. Thecharge proving irresistible, the enemy fled in confusion, and werevery roughly handled by our cavalry and artillery. The carnage wasdreadful;—in many places the enemy lay in heaps—their squares ofinfantry suffered tremendously from our artillery—and the numerousmangled corpses which strewed the field, showed, from the nature oftheir wounds, that our cavalry had done their duty. After a desperateresistance, the enemy were finally driven past La-Belle-Alliance; alittle in front of which, we came in contact with the Prussians, whohalted, and played our national air of "God save the King." Here it wasalso where the two illustrious commanders first met after the battle,and congratulated[Pg 439] each other on the successful termination of theirjoint labours.
Hark from the gory ground,
That feeble sound,
White-robed mercy kneels amid the strife:
Sons of the true and brave,
Glory to forgive and save
The worst of fallen foes who plead for life!
Stay the arms uplifted round,
Stoop to staunch the open wound,
They are enemies no more when they yield.
Britannia! yes thy knee shall bend
To raise the vanquished foe—a friend!
Whose grateful hand thy wreath shall blend
When the lion of Old England leaves the field.
[Pg 440]
CHAPTER XXXII.
As soon as it was known in Brussels that the allied army had retiredfrom Quatre-Bras, and the Prussians from Ligny, the whole populationwas thrown into a state of agitation not to be described. The 17th wasa day of alarm, the 18th one of horror. That part of the old rampartswhich faces Waterloo, was crowded at an early hour with people ofevery description. Until nearly two o'clock, all was conjecture, butfrom that hour wounded soldiers arrived every minute from the field ofblood. At one time it was said Napoleon had been defeated,—at anotherthat he was victorious, and would enter Brussels in the evening.These reports threw the good people into a state of mind bordering oninsanity. At first the wounded were few and far between, but in a shorttime the road was covered with them. About half-past four the alarm ofthe citizens was at its height,—a French column having been seen onits march to Brussels, but whether as victors or prisoners none couldtell,[Pg 441] for none had ever inquired. By and bye the column entered, 2000in number, but not as was anticipated by every body, victors,—butas prisoners of war, being those we captured at three o'clock. Fearshowever still continued to haunt their breasts, for nothing couldconvince them but that Napoleon must be the conqueror.
On the arrival of our wounded in Brussels, all ranks vied with eachother in acts of personal kindness and attention. Many of the mostrespectable inhabitants, ladies as well as gentlemen, waited theirarrival at the gates, and to each soldier distributed wine, tea,coffee, soup, bread, and cordials of various descriptions. Those whor*mained at home ministered to the wants of the poor maimed houselesswanderers; dressed their wounds, and if unable, from the severity oftheir wounds, to proceed farther, a bed was immediately provided forthem, on which they might rest their wearied and fractured limbs.
In almost every house there were wounded soldiers. In order to shewthe number quartered in these houses, and the country to which theybelonged, the inhabitants affixed a paper on their windows or theirdoors, intimating that they had four wounded English, or four woundedScotch, &c. Nothing could exceed the attention of the ladies to theirpatients. In the house where I was quartered there were three ladies,the mother and two daughters. The latter always visited the hospitals[Pg 442]morning and evening, taking with them such articles of food or raimentas they thought the sufferers required. One morning the youngestreturned in tears. Having seen a number of bad cases, the amiable andhumane little creature thought that she would be able to view withoutshrinking the mangled frame of an unfortunate artillery officer, whohad lost both his legs. But on entering his chamber, she found the poorsufferer in the agonies of death. This being more than she could bear,she burst into tears—hurried from the apartment—and returned home inthe state of mind previously described.
In the Rue de l'Empereur, another family, consisting of an aged mother,a son, and three daughters, set apart two front rooms of the streetfloor for the accommodation of the wounded. One of them was fitted upwith mattresses for those who were completely disabled, and the otheras a laboratory and cooking apartment, where all those who could strollabout had their wounds dressed by the young ladies. Whatever medicinesor nourishments was required, were distributed with a bountiful hand.
The French wounded were almost all placed in the city hospitals, or thehouses of those who had shewn themselves to be any thing but friendlyto the pending struggle. Many of the poor wretches, although not ableto lift their heads from their pillows, kept constantly crying, "Vivel'Empereur!"[Pg 443] One day an officer sent by Louis XVIII. went round thevarious hospitals to inquire into the wants of the patients, and offerassistance to all who required it. But they replied that they had noking but one, "Vive l'Empereur;" and one of them, finding he had buta short time to live, converted the cry into a kind of song, which hechaunted as long as he could speak.
At the close of the memorable charge made by us at three o'clock, afriend of mine made lawful prize of a beautiful charger, very richlycaparisoned. The richness of the furniture led him to expect a pairof handsome pistols in the holsters, but on opening them, he wasmost agreeably disappointed to find that a good bottle of champaigneoccupied the one, and the leg of a fowl and piece of bread the other.Our mouths being much parched at the time, the bottle was instantlydecapitated by my friend's sword, who being of a very generousdisposition, shared the wine with another officer and myself. It was,without exception, the most delicious glass of champaigne I ever drank.
A French general who was made prisoner on the 18th, having on variousoccasions rendered himself rather conspicuous by his entire devotionto the cause of the Usurper, was very roughly treated on enteringBrussels. To court the favour of the populace, the general had nosooner entered the city, than he, in a true turn-coat style, cried,"Vive le Roi!" But he soon found that he[Pg 444] had committed a mostegregious blunder, for, indignant at his bare-faced impudence, thepeople pelted him with mud and offals, till he quitted the city at theother extremity.
Immediately after the battle, the Bonapartists charged Marshals Ney andGrouchy, with all the misfortunes that had befallen the French armyon the 16th and 18th of June. Ney, in a letter to Fouché, attemptedto exculpate himself from so foul a charge, but his conduct to LouisXVIII. had made so deep an impression on the minds of the people, thathis statement was not generally credited. With us, however, the chargewas looked upon as a patched up story, to lessen the glory achieved bythe allied armies on the plains of Waterloo.
The fact is, that Napoleon was not betrayed by his Marshals, but byhimself. Every man who betrays a friend, is ever after deemed unworthyto associate with honourable men. How much more unworthy must that manbe who betrays the interests of his legitimate sovereign, and thoseof thirty millions of his countrymen? This being the Marshal's crime,was it possible for the French troops either to respect a man loadedwith so much guilt, or to place the smallest confidence in him inthe hour of danger? I should think not. And therefore conceive thatBonaparte, by appointing Ney to the command of the troops destined toact against the Duke of Wellington on the 16th, actually betrayed hisown interests; for it was notorious, that it was[Pg 445] want of confidence intheir leader which made from forty to fifty thousand French soldiers,recoil before a force not more than half their number, during thestruggle at Quatre-Bras. Had the Marshal's honour been as pure as inhis former campaigns, the retreat of some of his troops, so far asCharleroi that afternoon, would never have taken place. No; a singleword from his lips would at once have arrested any attempt of the kind.Knowing, therefore, as Bonaparte did, that to Ney's tainted character,he owed a considerable portion of the disgrace brought on his armsat Quatre-Bras, was it not the act of a madman to appoint the sameindividual to a prominent command on the 18th, and thereby to preparethe way for a fresh defeat, and all its accompanying ills? But tyrantsand traitors deserve no better fate than that which overtook Napoleonand his Marshal on the plains of Waterloo.
With regard to the charge against Grouchy, there are no better groundsfor it, than the one preferred against his brother Marshal. Thereis not a doubt but both of them did every thing in their power tosecure the victory to their master. The real cause of this chargebeing preferred at all, may, therefore, I imagine, be traced to thefollowing source. Calculating upon Blucher continuing his retreat,or upon his utter inability to render the Duke of Wellington anyefficient assistance for some days, Bonaparte made arrangements for ageneral attack[Pg 446] upon the position of the latter at Waterloo, to favourwhich, instructions were dispatched to Grouchy to assault that of thePrussians at Wavre with great vigour. Having made his calculationson a false data, as regarded the capabilities of the Prussians toassist their allies, and not discovering his error till on the eve ofengaging the allied army, Napoleon found himself all at once placedin a ticklish, or rather in what may be termed, a false position. Toextricate himself from this dilemma, two alternatives offered—toretreat—or to endeavour to force the position of the allies, beforethe Prussians could arrive to their assistance. It has been shewn thathe preferred the latter, and was routed. And to throw part of the blameof this step from his own shoulders, Bonaparte trumped up the chargeagainst Grouchy, which was altogether discredited by every member ofthe allied or Prussian armies.
How are they bandied up and down by fate,
By so much more unhappy as they're great?
Whenever a man permits ambition to obtain such an ascendancy overhis mind, as to lead him to aspire to the summit of all earthlygreatness, from that moment he must be prepared to bear up againstevery variety of fortune that can assail the human race. To anambitious man like Napoleon Bonaparte, who raises himself from avery humble condition, to be the arbiter of nations, the temptationsof power, wealth, and pleasure, are frequently so[Pg 447] powerful, as tourge him to put in force every species of dissimulation, and everydescription of treachery, rather than not accomplish the object hehas in view. A man like him, previous to being placed at the helm ofaffairs, is continually muttering something about public liberty,and public good, but the moment he fancies himself so firmly fixedin the royal-seat that he cannot be removed, his song is instantlyconverted into personal honours and personal riches. When a sovereign,like Napoleon, permits all his views to centre in family interestsor personal aggrandisem*nt,—when the sole object of his pursuit isworldly success, rank and fortune, can his people have any otherfeeling towards him, than unqualified hatred and contempt? Let thoseof a similar description, who may follow in the wake of Napoleon,reflect seriously on the course they are pursuing, before it is toolate, lest, like him, they may ultimately be made to feel the weight ofthat irresistible arm which is continually suspended over the heads oftyrants, to avenge the cause of the injured and the oppressed.
When two nations are at war, and one of them finds it necessary tosubmit to the mercy of the other, it exhibits neither a prudentor magnanimous policy on the part of the conqueror, to imposedishonourable terms on the vanquished, when others far less severe mayamply suffice. Few have pursued this short-sighted policy to greaterlengths than Napoleon Bonaparte, and none have had[Pg 448] greater cause torepent of their conduct. For to what else can we attribute the powerfulopposition he met with on his journey towards universal dominion, inthe latter years of his extraordinary reign? To what but his tyrannicaland iniquitous conduct towards Spain and Portugal, did he owe thePeninsular war. To what but his insolent and domineering conducttowards all those nations who owned him as a superior or an ally,did he owe the war in Russia in 1812, and those in Germany in 1813and 1814. Borne to the earth by a grinding tyranny, the inhabitantsof those countries, imitating the example of those who had gonebefore them, turned round on their oppressor at the first favourableopportunity, and with their strength and their courage, increasedby despair, rushed against his legions like a torrent, and in theirefforts to emancipate themselves from a degrading state of thraldom,continued to perform almost supernatural feats of personal heroism,until they either obtained their object, or died in the attempt. Thesefacts clearly point out the course which every crowned head ought topursue, who wishes to live respected, and die lamented—they mustinvariably adopt towards all nations and individuals, a line of policygoverned by honour, justice, and humanity.
A charge of cowardice has been preferred against Bonaparte, and byChristian lips too, because he did not choose to die the death of asuicide on the field of Waterloo. To exculpate him from this[Pg 449] charge,it is only necessary to remind his accusers, that—
Our time is fixed, and all our days are numbered;
How long, how short we know not: this we know,
Duty requires us calmly wait the summons,
Nor dare to stir, till HEAVEN shall give permission.
Like sentries that must keep their destined stand
And wait the appointed hour till they're relieved.
Those ONLY are the brave who keep their ground,
And keep it to the last.
From Waterloo, the French army retreated towards Paris, in a stateof complete disorganization, hotly pursued by the Duke of Wellingtonand Prince Blucher. The Duke entered France by Bavay, the Prince byBeaumont. From Malplacquet, the English General, on the 21st June,addressed a proclamation to the French people, intimating that hewas about to enter their country to assist them in throwing off theiron yoke of Napoleon. On the following day his head-quarters were atLa-Cateau. On the 24th, Sir Charles Colville captured Cambray, and onthe 26th, Louis XVIII. entered it on his way to Paris. The same dayGeneral Maitland, with a brigade of Guards, took possession of Peronne,after a slight resistance.
On the arrival of the united armies in the vicinity of the capital,preparations were made to drive the remains of the French army fromit, or compel the whole to surrender. Blucher, crossing the Seineat St Germain, on the 1st July, advanced towards[Pg 450] the capital by StCloud, on the heights of which he was warmly received on the 2nd bythe enemy, but after a severe conflict, he succeeded in establishinghimself in the village of Issy. Here, however, he was attacked earlyon the following morning, but finally beat off his assailants.Failing in this attempt, and seeing the allied army ready to stormtheir entrenchments on the north of the city, the enemy solicited asuspension of hostilities, and the same evening agreed to quit thecapital, and retire behind the Loire. The French troops accordinglybegan their march on the 4th, and by the afternoon of the 6th the wholehad proceeded towards their destination. The Prussian and allied armiesentered Paris on the 7th, and Louis XVIII. on the following day.
Some of the regiments newly arrived from America, were throwninto Montmartre, and one brigade of British infantry occupied theChamps-Elysees. The rest of the British army were encamped in the Bois,de-Boulogne, and down the right bank of the Seine, as far as St Ouen.Several of the gates of Paris were held by British, and the remainderby the troops of the other allied powers. For some days our officerswere openly insulted in the streets, and more than one of them actuallyspit upon from the windows of several houses near the Palais-Royal.
In company with a medical friend, I quitted Brussels in the first weekof July, and proceeding[Pg 451] by Braine, La-Compte, Mons, Bavay, Cateau,La-Chatelet, Peronne, Roya, Gournay, Pont-de-St-Maxance, and theLouvre, rejoined my corps, encamped behind the village of Clichy, onthe right bank of the Seine.
[Pg 452]
CHAPTER XXXIII.
On the 24th of July, the British and Hanoverian troops passed theEmperor of Russia in review, in the Place Louis Quenze: and to shew hisdetestation of those persons who brought Louis XVI. to the scaffold,Alexander placed himself almost on the spot where that unfortunatemonarch lost his life by the hands of the executioner. In order tospare the feelings of the inhabitants, the troops were desired notto wear laurel. But the opportunity being too good to convince theParisians that their brethren had really been worsted at Waterloo,almost the whole army hoisted the emblem of victory amid deafeningcheers. Immediately after passing the Emperor, our old general (Howard)now Lord Howard of Effingham, galloped up to us in private costume,congratulated the few that were present on the additional honours whichthe regiment had gained, and then placing himself alongside of thecommanding officer, accompanied us through various streets of Paris,on our route towards our[Pg 453] encampment. During the time that this trulyestimable and gallant nobleman commanded our brigade in the Peninsula,he was equally beloved by officers and men.
From this time, down to the end of October, the movements of the alliedarmy were few, and with two or three exceptions, extremely unimportant.Drills, division, brigade, and regimental, we had in abundance; andoften at so early an hour as three and four o'clock in the morning.Drill, when improvement is the object, is attended by all ranks withpleasure, but when its object is to harass or annoy, it is attended,but with no very friendly feelings towards the person by whom it hasbeen ordered, and, therefore, instead of being beneficial, createsa dislike to military exercise and duty of every kind, which shouldinvariably be avoided. I have been led to make these remarks, inconsequence of what occurred to our brigade in Clichy camp, in August1815. Our General, who was always grumbling at something or other, andwas never satisfied with the exertions of either officers or men, atlength fell upon a notable plan of punishing us for our inattention,viz. sending us all to the balance or goose-step. At sun-rise onthe morning, after the promulgation of the order, our French friendsbeheld the no less novel than ludicrous exhibition, of two thousandmen, each standing on one leg, and one or two hundred instructorsbawling right, left, as if the thunders of Waterloo had deprived[Pg 454] themen of the power of knowing their right foot from their left. In afew days, the goose-step was changed to squad, then to company drill,but finding us a parcel of incorrigibles, he, in a few more, finallydismissed us, conceiving, no doubt, that to continue his lessons ofinstructions, was something like casting pearls before swine.
On the 22d of September, the British and Hanoverian army was reviewedon the plains of St Denis. Pursuant to the orders of the Field Marshal,the troops were formed by nine o'clock in the morning, with theirleft resting on the village of La-Chapella, and their right extendingtowards St Denis. The first corps, consisting of the first and seconddivisions of infantry, formed the left—the second corps, second andfourth divisions, the right—and the reserve, the fifth, sixth, andseventh divisions, the centre. Colonel Estoff's brigade of cavalry,formed in rear of the second corps, in close column of regiments of thefront of a squadron—and the cavalry brigades of Lord Edward Somerset,and Lord George Beresford, formed in a similar manner in rear of thefirst corps and reserve. Each division of infantry was formed in threelines of brigades, in close column of battalions right in front, withits artillery posted on the right. The colours of the regiments formingthe front line—and the officers of the leading divisions were movedthree paces to the front, as at open order. Drawn up in this manner, wewaited[Pg 455] the arrival of the illustrious individual, for whose amusem*ntwe had been called together.
The Duke of Wellington having arrived on the ground at an early hour,received the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and King of Prussia,about ten o'clock. On approaching the centre of the line, the frontcompanies presented arms, the standards were lowered, and every bandplayed "God save the King." In the suite of the allied Sovereignson this occasion, were Prince Blucher, Prince Schwartzenberg, FieldMarshal Barclay-de-Tolly, Platoff, Hetman of the Cossacks, theArch-Duke Constantine of Russia, two sons of the King of Prussia, anda very great many more of inferior rank. The breasts of some of thoseindividuals were literally covered with decorations, and many of theiruniforms were really splendid. The three monarchs were the plainestdressed individuals in the field; the Emperor of Austria being dressedin white, and the other two wearing plain green uniforms, with a star.
This part of the ceremony being over, the Field Marshal summoned aroundhim the Generals commanding divisions, and gave them instructionsregarding the operations of the day, which very closely resembled thoseof the allied army at Salamanca, on the 22d July, 1812.
The first corps moving to its left, passed between Montmartre and thewalls of the capital, to attack the right of our supposed enemy. Onarriving at the barrier of Clichy, the corps debouched on the[Pg 456] road tothat village, when, having established itself in rear of the foe, ithalted.
The second corps moved forward, but obliquely to the right, and thenattacked the left of our invisible enemies. In this movement, the corpswas supported by the 5th division, till the former succeeded in itsobject, when the latter, with the other two divisions of the reserve,advanced in column at quarter-distance; and with their light troops infront, moved round the northern base of Montmartre, to the attack ofthe enemy's centre. On the arrival of the second corps, in the vicinityof Clichy, and the reserve within a few hundred yards of the roadleading from that village to Paris, the whole halted; and the fifthand sixth divisions formed line, the front line dressing on the 92dregiment. Every division now ordered arms, and stood at ease for nearlyhalf-an-hour.
Just before moving from our original ground, Prince Blucher and staff,Platoff, &c. came forward to examine the dress of the 42d, 79th, and92d Highlanders. Many a remark was made, and many a joke cracked atthe expense of the philibeg; but Donald, instead of getting sulky onthe occasion, took a similar method of being revenged upon the gallantbody of foreigners in his front, some of them being attired in uniformswhich he considered no less singular than his own.
During the temporary suspension of hostilities, the Arch-DukeConstantine of Russia walked his[Pg 457] horse up to the left of the 92ndregiment, and began to scrutinize the dress of the men. Having askeda young lad to show him his bonnet, the poor fellow, either notknowing the rank of the individual who was addressing him, or likesome of his companions, thinking him "a queer looking chiel," actuallyrefused. Being then with the Imperial cavalcade, a little in front ofthe regiment, and aware that his brother's countenance was no greatintroduction to him any where, the Emperor Alexander galloped up, andin good English, said, "Take off your cap, my lad, and show it tothis gentleman." This at once removed the bonnet from the head of theCaledonian, and placed it in the hands of the Russian Prince, who,after examining it for a little, returned it to the owner; the Emperorat the same time remarking to his brother, "Cett un brave regiment." Ontheir progress towards the right, the Emperor, turning to Captain F.said, "This is my brother, Sir, will you have the kindness to show himyour sword?" On examining the claymore, the royal brothers returned it,and then rejoined their distinguished friends.
On resuming our arms, the first corps, in column at quarter distance,again manœuvred on the right of the enemy; and the second corps also atquarter distance, turned Clichy, by moving between the village and thereserve. The latter advanced the seventh division at quarter distance,and the fifth and sixth divisions in line. Soon after we moved,[Pg 458] theheavy cavalry made a most beautiful charge past our flanks, whichcompleted the rout of the enemy, and was the last offensive movement wemade on that memorable day.
It now only remained for us to pay our respects to the Emperorof Austria, and for that purpose, the whole army halted, and thebattalions then in line, formed column. In a few minutes, the Duke ofWellington, and the allied Sovereigns, took post on the left of theroad leading from Clichy to Newilly, when the whole marched past theEmperor in column of companies at quarter-distance.
The review was attended by almost all the English nobility and gentrythen in Paris. Their splendid equipages added much to the interest andmagnificence of the scene; for at one time almost every part of thenorthern slope of Montmartre was completely covered with them. As thearmy advanced, however, the beaux and the belles retired; and when theallied chiefs took their ground as before-mentioned, the whole groupassembled around them, to witness the novel spectacle of a British armypassing in review before an Emperor of Austria, under the walls of themetropolis of France.
During our stay in the camp of Clichy, my time was partly occupied inan attempt to reclaim from the paths of vice, without the aid of the"cat o' nine tails," six men, who had repeatedly given but too goodproofs that they were ready and willing[Pg 459] to engage in the perpetrationof almost every description of crime. The measures I adopted on theoccasion were the following:—
First of all I divided the company into three classes. In thefirst were placed the best men,—in the second theindifferent characters,—and in the third the very worst. Onthe class-rolls being made out, the company was turned out, the rollcalled, and each individual, on answering to his name, took post in theclass to which he was appointed. The rueful countenances which those inthe second and third classes exhibited on the occasion, testified atonce that none of them before that moment had conceived there was thesmallest shade of difference between their own, and the character ofthe best behaved man in the company; for, on being removed as it werefrom the society of the latter, I fancied I saw the tear of shame andrepentance start in the eye of various individuals, and my conjectureturned out to be well-founded. On the classes being told off, themembers of the first were informed that they would have themselvesalone to blame, if they were removed at a future period from the proudstation they occupied; and those of classes second and third, that itwould be equally their own fault, if a month or two hence they shouldstill find themselves in their degrading situations.
This preliminary step being taken, I proceeded to divide the companyinto six squads, corresponding[Pg 460] with the number of desperate charactersin it. Each squad, which was composed of an equal proportion of eachclass, was placed under the orders of a non-commissioned officer. Toeach squad one of the six bad characters was given in charge, withorders not to permit him to quit the camp either by night or day. ThisI did not conceive to be any great hardship, as they all slept in thesame tents at night, and were all in camp together during the day. Butthe majority of the company thought otherwise, and demurred at beingmade responsible for the conduct of others. Being quite determined,however, to make a fair trial of the plan, I gave a deaf ear to theirgrumbling, and insisted on an implicit obedience to the orders I hadgiven them.
A fortnight passed away, during which time there had been no thefts,nor plundering excursions heard of, in the company. Satisfied intheir own minds by this time, that a complete remedy had been foundfor the evils which had arisen in the company after the battle ofWaterloo, all the non-commissioned officers, and a number of theprivates of the company, waited on me one morning, apologized for theirprevious conduct, thanked me for what I had done, and begged meto persevere in the same line of conduct. Encouraged by the prospectof success, I, by way of an additional inducement to good conduct,placed at the disposal of the company five prizes, consistingof useful articles of dress, to be drawn for at the end of the[Pg 461]first month, by all those who, during the previous month, hadbeen mustered in CLASS FIRST. The great amusem*nt which thedrawing of the little lottery afforded the men, and the keenness withwhich each individual contended for the lucky numbers, induced me tocontinue the same plan till relieved in the command of the company,four months afterwards, by which time my success had so far exceededmy expectation, that, previous to handing over the company to mysuccessor, I had the inexpressible satisfaction, of enrolling fourof the bad characters in CLASS FIRST, and of seeing themcontend with their comrades for the monthly prizes.
[Pg 462]
CHAPTER XXXIV.
On the 29th of October we broke up our encampment on the banks of theSeine, and that evening our brigade occupied Saint Germain, a townwhich the good people declared to us Bonaparte never entered. On the2d of November we marched into Mountain Ville, Neuf-le-Veux, Mere,&c.; and on the 8th we removed to Montfort, and some villages in theneighbourhood.
In the vicinity of Mountain Ville, Captain H—bs and myself werebilleted on an opulent and friendly family, with whom we spent twovery pleasant days. The family having, unknown to us, directed theservants to have breakfast ready for us the morning we were to leavethem, we were not a little surprised to find the table groaning undera load of cold fowls, veal, ham, tea, coffee, wine, &c. After doingample justice to the viands before us, we strolled out to look afterthe men and baggage animals. On our return, the servants were all busywrapping up the[Pg 463] cold meat in strong brown paper. Not knowing whatthey intended with it, we could not help smiling. By and bye, however,we were let into the secret by the butler, who respectfully inquiredwhere he should place the parcels. On recovering from the surprisewhich his query occasioned, we told him that British officers neveraccepted presents of any kind from families on whom they were billeted;and putting a piece of money in his hand, desired him to express tothe family how much we felt ourselves obliged by their kindness andattention. Apparently astonished at our refusal, though probably moreso at what we had given him, the butler remained dumb for some time,and then with a smile, said, "Oh! you British officers are not like thePrussians."
We remained very comfortably cantoned in Montfort, &c. till thefollowing brigade order compelled us to move to Meulan.
BRIGADE ORDERS.
Port Chartrain, Nov. 29, 1815.
The fourth battalion of the Royals, the 42d, and 92d regiments, are tomarch to-morrow for Meulan, on their route for Boulogne.
The corps are to march independently, under orders from theirrespective commanding-officers, who will please to send forward, veryearly, an officer to Meulan, to receive directions respecting thequartering of their corps there, and in the vicinity, for the night.
[Pg 464]
The Staff-Surgeon has been instructed to give directions respectingthe sick, and the Commissary of brigade will afford all the means oftransport in his power.
Major-General, Sir Denis Pack, cannot allow these corps to pass thusfrom under his command, without expressing his regret at losing them.The conduct of the fourth battalion of the Royals, both in camp andquarters, has been like that of the third battalion; and that of thetwo regiments, "orderly and soldier-like;" and he is confident, thatfrom the high state of discipline the corps appears in, they wouldhave imitated their comrades in the third battalion, had the sameglorious opportunity been afforded them.
The services rendered by the 92d regiment, in the Duke of Wellington'scampaigns in the Peninsula, and his Grace's late short and triumphantone in Belgium, are so generally and so highly appreciated, as tomake praise from him almost idle, nevertheless, he cannot help addinghis tribute of applause. And to the 42d regiment, he really thinkshe would seem ungrateful, as well as unmindful of the best feelingsof a soldier, did he not, in taking leave, assure them that he willever retain, with sentiments of admiration, the remembrance of theinvincible valour displayed by the corps on so many memorable andtrying occasions.
On the 30th of November, the 42d and 92d regiments marched intoMeulan agreeable to orders, where being joined by the 28th, the threecorps formed into one brigade, under Sir Charles Belson, of the 28thregiment, were ordered to move to Pont-Oise on the 1st December, andthence by Beauvais, Abbeville, Montreuil, and Boulogne, to Calais.
On our arrival before the gates of Calais, on the[Pg 465] 17th December, wewere not a little surprised to find them closed upon us, and that itwas not the intention of the authorities to open them, unless ourCommandant would agree to make every company march at the distance ofone hundred yards from the one preceding it,—the men reverse theirarms,—keep their colours cased,—and prevent the bands playing onentering the town. Irritated at such conduct, instant admittance wasdemanded. This being refused, a second message was dispatched to theGovernor, giving him a quarter of an-hour to deliberate. This broughtthe hot-headed fool to his senses. On the gates being opened, theleading battalion entered, and was instantly followed by the othersat the usual distance, with colours flying, bayonets fixed, and thebands playing the Downfall of Paris, all the way to the place ofembarkation.
On our way from Meulan to the coast, the following General Order wasissued to the different regiments. I insert it because it shews thenumber of British battalions which were then in France, the numberretained in the country by the Duke of Wellington, and the number thathe sent home.
[Pg 466]
GENERAL ORDERS.
Head Quarters, Paris, Nov. 30, 1815.
No. 1. The British troops which are to remain in France, are to beformed as follows:—
2. The 1st and 2d Dragoon Guards, and 3d Dragoons, are to be the firstbrigade of cavalry.
3. The 7th and 18th Hussars, and 12th Light Dragoons, are to be thesecond brigade of cavalry.
4. The 11th and 13th Light Dragoons, and 15th Hussars, are to be thethird brigade of cavalry.
5. The third battalion 1st Guards, and second battalion ColdstreamGuards, are to be the first brigade of infantry.
6. The third battalion Royals, first battalion 57th, and secondbattalion 95th regiment, are to be the second brigade of infantry.
7. The first battalions 3d, 39th, and 91st regiments, are to be thethird brigade of infantry.
8. The first battalions of the 4th, 52d, and 79th regiments, are to bethe fourth brigade of infantry.
9. The first battalions of the 5th, 9th, and 21st regiments, are to bethe fifth brigade of infantry.
10. The first battalions of the 6th and 71st, and 29th regiment, areto be the sixth brigade of infantry.
11. The first battalions of the 7th and 43d, and 23d regiment, are tobe the seventh brigade of infantry.
[Pg 467]
12. The first battalions of the 27th, 40th, and 95th regiments, are tobe the eighth brigade of infantry.
13. The first battalions of the 81st and 88th regiments are to be theninth brigade of infantry.
14. Major-General Lord Edward Somerset is to command the first brigadeof cavalry.
15. Major-General Sir Hussey Vivian is to command the second brigadeof cavalry.
16. Major-General Sir Colquhoun Grant is to command the third brigadeof cavalry.
17. Major-General Sir Peregrine Maitland is to command the firstbrigade of infantry.
18. Major-General Sir Manley Power is to command the second brigade ofinfantry.
19. Major-General the Honourable Sir R.W. O'Callaghan is to commandthe third brigade of infantry.
20. Major-General Sir Denis Pack is to command the fourth brigade ofinfantry.
21. Major-General Sir Thomas Brisbane is to command the fifth brigadeof infantry.
22. Major-General Sir Thomas Bradford is to command the sixth brigadeof infantry.
23. Major-General Sir James Kempt is to command the seventh brigade ofinfantry.
24. Major-General Sir John Lambert is to command the eighth brigade ofinfantry.
25. Major-General Sir John Keane is to command the ninth brigade ofinfantry.
[Pg 468]
26. The first division of infantry is to be composed of thefirst, seventh, and eighth brigades, and is to be commanded byLieutenant-General the Honourable Sir Lowry Cole.
27. The second division of infantry is to be composed of thethird, fourth, and sixth brigades, and is to be commanded byLieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton.
28. The third division of infantry is to be composed of thesecond, fifth, and ninth brigades, and is to be commanded byLieutenant-General the Honourable Sir Charles Colville.
29. Lieutenant-General Lord Combermere will take the command of thecavalry.
30. Lieutenant-General Lord Hill will take the command of the infantry.
31. The British troops to return to England, are to be brigaded asfollows, for their march:—
32. The 1st and 2d Life-Guards, Royal Horse-Guards (blue), and 3dDragoon-Guards, under the command of Colonel Althrope of the RoyalHorse-Guards (blue).
33. The 1st, 2d, and 6th Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Muter.
34. The 10th Hussars, 16th and 23d Light Dragoons, under the commandof Colonel Quentin.
35. The second battalions 1st and 3d Guards, under Colonel Askew, 1stGuards.
[Pg 469]
36. The 36th, 38th, second battalion 73d, and third battalion 95thregiment, under Colonel the Honourable Sir Charles Greville of the38th regiment.
37. The second battalions 12th and 30th, and 33d regiment, under thecommand of Colonel Stirke, 12th regiment.
38. The first battalions 41st and 90th regiments, and a detachment ofthe Royal Waggon Train, under Lieutenant Colonel Evans, 41st regiment.
39. The third battalions 14th, 2d, 35th, and 51st regiment, underColonel Mitchell, 51st regiment.
40. The 54th, second battalions 59th and 69th regiments, underLieutenant-Colonel Austin, 59th regiment.
41. The fourth battalion Royals, the 28th, 42nd, and 92d regiments,under Colonel Sir C. Belson, 28th regiment.
42. The 32d, third battalion 27th, and detachment of Staff Corps,under Colonel Sir John M'Lean, 27th regiment.
43. The 16th regiment, 2d, 44th, and first battalion 82d regiment,under Colonel Tolley, 16th regiment.
44. The 58th and 64th regiments, and second battalions 62d and 81stregiments, under Colonel Walker, 58th regiment.
45. Notwithstanding these orders, the troops are to continue withtheir divisions, and commanded as[Pg 470] at present, till those ordered toEngland will march; and the Quarter-Master General will, in concertwith the General Officers, have assembled those destined by this day'sorder to remain in France.
46. When the troops of the German Legion and the Hanoverians willmarch, it will be under the command of the officers commanding theseveral brigades of infantry and cavalry.
47. Major-General Sir James Lyon will be so kind as to give orders forthe formation of the Hanoverian contingent, at a place which will bemade known to him by the Chief of the Staff of the allied army.
48. Upon breaking up the army which the Field-Marshal has had thehonour of commanding, he begs leave to return thanks to the GeneralOfficers, and the Officers, and Troops, for their uniform good conduct.
49. In the late short but memorable campaign, they have given proofsto the world that they possess, in an eminent degree, all the goodqualities of soldiers; and the Field-Marshal is happy to be able toapplaud their regular good conduct in their camp and cantonments, notless than when engaged with the enemy in the field.
50. Whatever may be the future destination of those brave troops, ofwhich the Field-Marshal now takes his leave, he trusts that everyindividual[Pg 471] will believe that he will ever feel the deepest interestin their honour and welfare, and will always be happy to promoteeither.
On the 18th, we quitted the harbour of Calais, and sailed for Dover;but the wind becoming foul, we were forced to make for the Downs,where we anchored for the night. Next forenoon we landed at Ramsgate,and proceeded to Margate. Here the late Sir William Curtis was mostindefatigable during the disembarkation of the troops. He not onlyrendered personal assistance to the females on quitting the vessels,but placed a piece of money in the hand of each. But this was not all;the warm-hearted Baronet gave all the officers a pressing invitation todine with him. Such patriotic conduct deserves to be recorded.
On the 20th we bade adieu to Margate, and proceeded, the right wing toDeal, and the left to Sandwich, thence on the following day to Dover,and on the 22nd to Brabourne-Lee temporary barracks. Here we remainedbut a few days, when an order arrived for us to march to Colchester,where we arrived at the end of the month, and were warmly welcomed bythe whole population.
On entering the barrack-gate, we were received by a guard of honourcomposed of wounded soldiers belonging to almost every regiment engagedat Waterloo. They were about 150 in number, and almost every one ofthem had lost a leg or an[Pg 472] arm, and not a few of them one of each.Formed in two single lines, one on each side of the street throughwhich we had to pass, the gallant fellows greeted us as we moved alongwith the most enthusiastic cheers, many of them actually leaping withjoy. The spectacle was at once beautiful, and mournfully impressive.
A few days after our arrival at Colchester, Major-General Sir JohnByng, whose defence of Hougomont will remain recorded in the page ofBritish history, till time shall be no more, kindly agreed to forward amemorial for two months leave of absence for me, which, being granted,I quitted Colchester on the 24th of January 1816, for my native hills.
Around my fire an evening group to draw,
And tell of all I felt, and all I saw;
For as the hare whom hounds and horns pursue,
Pants to the place from whence at first he flew,
I still had hopes, my long vexations past,
Here to return and die at home at last.
FINIS.
Transcibers note:
The errata below has been corrected in the text above.
g.m.
ERRATA.
Page 60, line 10, for new read non.
66, — 2, — Minorca read Minerva.
66, — 14, — horn read horse.
117, — 28, — suit read suite.
117, — 29, — Almeida read Alemeida.
132, — 3, — Bonito read Benito.
132, — 27, — Blacur read Blacier.
138, — 6, — Aginda read Agueda.
140, — 1, — draw read drive.
161, — 20, }
166, — 19, } 11th May read 16th May.
252, — 10, — Tagus read Ebro.
271, — 6, — who from read that something besides.
315, — 12, After which read "on awaking from a long nap".
337, — 9—16, — Firth read Frith.
374, — 16, — Renetria read Renteria.
391, — 9, — frontier read position.
429, — 15, — after from read the.
PRINTED BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.
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